On the Atlantic coast of Africa, creoles with a European lexical base flourished for centuries with the contact between Africa and Europe. Pichi or Pichinglis, an African creole with an English lexical base spoken on the island of Bioko, part of Equatorial Guinea, has followed the speakers of its original form, Krio - workers 'recruited' in Sierra Leone by the British to further the colonial cultivation of palm oil. Contact between Krio and English, on the one hand, and Pichi, on the other, came to an end in the middle of the nineteenth century,  
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[^0]:    4 Source: Le Glaunec, J.-P. and Robichaud, L. (dir.). Le marronnage dans le monde atlantique : sources et trajectoires de vie. http://www.marronnage.info.  
when Spanish replaced English as the dominant colonial language in Bioko and trade with Freetown ceased. Yakpo considers its formation from code-mixing to be unique, with two successively dominant lexifying languages (Yakpo, 2013).  
Yakpo then draws upon the unique mirror offered by Pichi to better disentangle the role of linguistic contact vis-à-vis the 'other side', 'the family of Afro-Caribbean creoles with an English lexical base'.  
What, then, do the languages of the American side of the Atlantic tell us about themselves through their relexification and the grammatical model transfer processes that shape them?  
To illustrate his comparison of African languages and African and American creoles, Yakpo chooses the languages of Suriname. Here, enslaved people who had escaped in small groups formed maroon societies in the country's interior, a process that continued for as long as there were Africans enslaved in the country. Four creoles, with English as their lexical base, formed here: Sranan Ndyuka, Kwinti and Saramaccan. Dutch replaced English as the dominant colonial language in 1667, and later three languages of Asian origin, Sarnami, Javanese and Hakka, came into the mix.