Brazil is home to the largest black community in the Americas, comprising more than 100 million people who, in the last census, accounted for the majority of the overall population. In the nineteenth century, many people of African descent identified as negro and pardo and, by the early 1930s, a national political organization, Frente Negra Brasileira, had been formed. Likewise, another independent political organization, the Movimento Negro Unificado was founded in 1979, while still in times of dictatorship. Negro and africano are often used interchangeably and in complementary ways, as in the work of Abdias do Nascimento, a leading Afro-Brazilian intellectual who founded the Teatro Negro Brasileiro in the 1940s, the same period in which he wrote a book titled $A f r i c a n s$ in Brazil. The term afrodescendiente was coined in Brazil  
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[^0]:    18 For historical accounts of Benkos Biohó and San Basilio de Palenque, see Daza et al. and, for their memory, see Burgos.
19 The debate as to the historical, linguistic, political and epistemic value of maroonage, cimarronaje or quilombismo has been ongoing since at least the 1940s. See Césaire, Franco, Glissant, Nascimento, Quintero Rivera, and Roberts. On theorizing imploding while replacing the master's tools with a strategy of double critique, see Bogues, Farred, Gordon, Laó-Montes, and Lorde.  
in the late 1980s by Afro-Brazilian feminist intellectual-activists, such as Lélia Gonzalez, Sueli Carneiro, and Edna Roland. They were seeking to create a political identity to unite first the black feminist movement that was emerging as a powerful force in Latin America, and later, the networks of Afro-Latin American social movements that had been booming since the mid-1990s throughout the region.