of globalization have fostered new identities or facilitated a new dominance of older, marginalized ones through lateral borrowing among black communities worldwide, what Liza McAlister would call the co-production of identity among diasporic groups. McAlister's discussion of Haitian rara in New York City marks a tension between the concepts of diaspora and transnationalism. Noting that rara in New York is in dialogue with the Haitian branches of dancehall and African American hip-hop culture, and explicating the complex and changing relationships forged between Haitian and Jamaican migrants in Florida and Brooklyn (indeed, between newly arrived Haitians and established Haitian Americans), McAlister arrives at the important insight that 'the process of identity building is coproduced with other minority communities, and not just against hegemonic groups' (McAlister, 2002, p. 198). The second has to do with the ways borrowing among communities is selective and completely imbricated within the hegemonic social, economic, and political relations that make particular cultural and political practices, originating in this case in the United States, available to black communities elsewhere. Tina Campt's analysis of oral histories of Afro-Germans who lived through the Third Reich (Campt, 2004a) builds on this latter point. She argues that her interviewees drew upon African American cultural and political narratives not only because these narratives circulated as resources, forms of cultural memory that could serve as points of inspiration, but also because they formed part of the repertoire of American capital - economic, political, and cultural - that has become globally hegemonic. Her point here is that if we understand cultural memory as one among other sites of 'global flows', we more clearly reveal 'how that circulation is also structured by American global capital in ways that facilitate its accessibility and availability in different cultural sites' (Campt, 2004b, p. 17).