In this identity chaos that was the colony, classifications were transitory and loyalties constantly reinvented. The Nova Scotians remained faithful to their African-American religious leaders (White, 1987, p. 8). One of them, David George, however, claimed London as a common homeland. Other settlers, such as Frank Peters, reintegrated into local societies, sometimes only to be enslaved again; others worked in factories (Sidbury, 2007, p. 95, p. 124). The cumulation of the effects of these multiple affiliations shaped the so-called Creole culture, linked to the Atlantic world by its ports and rebellions (Coleman, 2008; Misevitch, 2008); to Africa and the Caribbean by its architecture (Kandé, 1998); and to England by links once seen as essential, but today viewed as tenuous (Land and Schocket, 2008).  
In addition, a portion of the 'returned' identified as Temne, Baga or Bullom (Dixon-Fyle and Cole, 2006, pp. 39-40); ${ }^{17}$ others obtained land outside of the colony from local landlords. ${ }^{18}$ The births of 'natives' in the colony, Krio-Sherbro (Knörr, 2010, p. 215) marriages and concubines also played against the native/ settler or Indigenous/Krio dichotomy. Although this dichotomy had been weakened (Ojukutu-Macauley and Rashid, 2013, p. 127), ${ }^{19}$ it is now resurfacing in the form of female genital mutilation, practised on 94 per cent of girls except Christian Krios, ${ }^{20}$ and traumas related to the civil war (1991-2002), the violence having spread from the hinterland to the capital.  
In turn, Sierra Leone generated new diasporas. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, this concerned the entire coast of Guinea and parts of Nigeria, and was permanent in the Gambia (Ashcroft, 2015, p. 103). Individual trajectories contributed to the political, scientific and artistic spheres of the time: Thomas Peters (1738-1792), born in Nigeria, was a Loyalist transferred to Halifax  
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