The focus then shifted to the commercial, religious, family and political relations between rural Krio and a hinterland on which the peninsula depended for its survival. Besides, did the Krio not support the rebellion of the protectorate in 1898, the anti-Syrian protests in 1919 and the rail workers' strike in 1926, at the cost of the dissolution of the Freetown City Council (Alie 1990, pp. 175176)? The pan-African and transethnic initiatives of Krio politicians - the Sierra Leone Aborigines' Society of A. E. Tobuku-Metzger, the West African Youth League of I. T. A. Wallace-Johnson and the Sierra Leone Women's Movement of Constance Cummings-John - were also positively reassessed.  
The Krio historiography seemed, at that time, to be ahead of existing studies of African movements, their emblematic figures and their stories. Provincializing Europe traced the 'deep genealogies' of individual movements or of transfers of objects and technology on the continent (Bruijn; Van Dijk et al., 2001; Transfers, 2006; Wyse, 1989, pp. 19-32). This epistemology was based on the networks of Freetown women traders specialized in cola nuts, who were pioneers and cultural brokers (White, 1987, p. 47), and on the resale by the liberated of items seized on slave ships, and in diaspora circuits. One such circuit was that of the Saro who, together with Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther (1809-1891) and  
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[^0]:    10 For a debate on this terminology, see Kandé, 1993; Goerg, 1995; Coleman, 2008.
11 Chapter by Abdullah.
12 They were well integrated in Foulah Town and at Fourah Bay. (Peterson, in Fyfe and Jones, 1968, p. 102; Fyfe, 1979, p. 48, note 1).
13 Chapter by Spencer-Walters.  
CMS evangelizer James Johnson (1839-1917), settled in Nigeria (Dixon-Fyle and Cole, 2006, pp. 107-131; Boahen, 1996, pp. 82-83). ${ }^{14}$