The disconnection of black and native freedoms around labour eclipses the fact that the well-being of the white/Northern/First World is fundamentally predicated upon the death and privation of blacks and Indigenous Peoples. Moreover, the disarticulation was never natural, but engineered legally and socially. It manifested, for instance, in Brazil in the Portuguese distinction between blacks and Indigenous Peoples as Negros da Guiné and Negros da terra, respectively, which eventually became codified in law (see Forbes, 1988). It manifested in colonial Guiana, when Indigenous Peoples were remunerated by the Dutch for recapturing runaway enslaved blacks. It manifested in the United States of America, where the pre-removal Cherokee Nation and other Indigenous Peoples owned slaves, and where, after Reconstruction, blacks reinvented themselves as settlers on Indigenous lands to which Indigenous Peoples responded by 'enacting de facto segregation policies' (see Menezes, 1977; Holland and Miles, 2006, p. 3). It manifests today where black and Indian-led nations in the Caribbean retain colonial policies towards Indigenous groups and in the United States, where the Cherokee nation has 'expelled' the descendants of its enslaved blacks (see Kellogg, 2011). Despite these breaks, blacks and Indians have found common ground during and after slavery. From the Caribbean, we have the example of the present-day Garifuna. During slavery in the United States of America, we have the example of the Choctaws in Mississippi who aided runaway enslaved peoples, and the example of Martin Luther King Jr. who supported Indigenous groups (see Holland and Miles, 2006, p. 3; Bender, 2014). However, just as King's role as a black civil rights leader eclipsed his solidarity with Indigenous Peoples, today's modes of black organizing also eclipse black movements' solidarity with Indigenous Peoples. While there are efforts within the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement to link up with Indigenous and other groups