Black Indigeneity is different from that of Indigenous Peoples not because of resistance alone, but because it is grounded in a type of disalienation around which a labour episteme congeals through letters and politics. Within this episteme, upon independence in the Caribbean, the former colony and space of black labour emerged as a patrimony for blacks, the ultimate source of disalienation. For example, Vere T. Daly, in the first post-independence history of Guyana, endorsed by its first post-independence Prime Minister, claims that blacks were the first to 'make' the country a 'home'. The invocation of the colony as home means that blacks reach back to claim a prior time tied to a specific transformation of the land through the productive socioeconomic machine of the plantation, within which their labour accrues teleological value. Black plantation labour as the temporal origin of the home/colony/nation becomes the new time of belonging, which displaces the prior and continuous time of Indigenous Peoples' presence and their non-plantation subsistence labours, making them failed national subjects and market identities. ${ }^{8}$  
The twentieth-century achievement of independence across the Caribbean made the labour episteme hegemonic, allowing blacks to assert native belonging as a right to rule, because within it their labour is represented as prior in time to Indigenous and indentured peoples. In the United States of America, the episteme is active in calls for reparations that marginalize Indigenous Peoples as failed market identities whose labour could not be captured by the State and exchanged for full citizenship, and it continues to de-link black and native futures. ${ }^{9}$ Yet the episteme remains foreclosed for blacks in the face of the failure of the Emancipation Proclamation, the Thirteenth and Fourteenth  
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[^0]:    7 For this reading of Walker and other such texts by blacks in the United States in the nineteenth century, see Ben-zvi 2018.