thousands of enslaved individuals to Brazil (De Castro Henriques, 1997, p. 1267). A foreign observer claimed that Dona Ana Joaquina ordered the construction of a tunnel that connected the palace where she lived, in the neighbourhood of Bungo, to the beach, through which she exported captives illicitly from Luanda. ${ }^{10}$ Although such an enterprise sounds unrealistic, Dona Ana Joaquina did engage in illegal slaving, most likely from her feitorias (warehouses) in the ports of Ambriz, Benguela, and Moçâmedes (Alexandre and Dias, 1998, p. 386; Pacheco, 1990, p. 72). For instance, on 11 July 1846, she shipped 490 captives to Bahia, northeast Brazil, aboard her vessel Maria Segunda (Eltis et al., 2008, Voyage Id. 900217). On 2 November of the same year, the Maria Segunda crossed the Atlantic again, with another 490 captives destined for disembarkation in Bahia (Eltis et al., 2008, Voyage Id. 900218). In 1850, Brazilian authorities captured her vessel Oriente near the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro: a total of 200 captives, embarked in the ports of Novo Redondo and Quicombo, south of Luanda, were found on board. ${ }^{11}$  
The slave trade, however, was not her only business. Dona Ana Joaquina owned various agricultural properties called arimos in the immediate interior of Luanda, where large quantities of beans, maize and manioc flour were produced for household consumption, and to supply caravans, urban markets and sailing vessels. ${ }^{12}$ Between 1823 and 1832 alone, Dona Ana Joaquina acquired no fewer than seven arimos located in the districts of Dande, Icolo e Bengo, Quilunda and Zenza, which serves as evidence of her anticipation of the economic transition that occurred in the colony in the mid-nineteenth century, when commercial agriculture and trade in tropical products replaced the traffic in captives. ${ }^{13}$ In the 1850s, she figured as the largest maize supplier to the Terreiro Público, the public market established in Luanda. ${ }^{14}$