most of them were restricted to jobs in the Sydney mines and the steel plant's coke ovens because of the segregated workforce and the myth that blacks could withstand the heat better than whites' (Calliste, 1993-1994, p. 135). Women from the Caribbean were also sought to occupy places in the labour force: between 1910 and 1911, 100 women from Guadeloupe were recruited to work in Quebec as domestic servants (Calliste, 1993-1994, pp. 140-141). ${ }^{9}$ Despite general satisfaction with their work, fear of a growing Black presence foreshadowed by permanently resident Black women caused Government officials to require their departure once their contracts were completed. In 1955, Caribbean women would, once again, be targeted as domestic workers through the West Indian Domestic Scheme, which was popular because, according to Linda Carty, it was clear that 'recruiting in the Caribbean would be cheaper owing to its relative proximity to Canada, thus resulting in minimal administrative costs' and that 'wages would be lower than those paid to white workers' (Carty, 1994, p. 218). By 1965, a total of 2,690 Caribbean women had been admitted under the scheme - more than all the Caribbean immigrants who had come to Canada before 1945 - and since it was one of the few means by which Caribbean people could migrate to Canada, during the 1960s and 1970s, many nurses, teachers, secretaries, clerks and trained service workers used this avenue for the prospect of personal and familial improvement (Bakan and Stasiulis 1997; Calliste, 1996; Giles and Arat-Koç, 1994; Henry, 1987; Johnson, 2012; Macklin, 1994; Silvera, 1989; Walker, 1984). Both domestic schemes, especially the second scheme, allowed for an influx of African-Caribbean women and their families to reinvent the cities where they tended to congregate; however, the labour scheme also reinforced the association between Blackness and servitude that had previously existed in Canadian society.