Instruct: Given a question, retrieve documents that answer the question.
Query: When did LBJ start his War on Poverty?
The War on Poverty is the unofficial name for legislation first introduced by United States President Lyndon B. Johnson during his State of the Union address on Wednesday, January 8, 1964. This legislation was proposed by Johnson in response to a national poverty rate of around nineteen percent. The speech led the United States Congress to pass the Economic Opportunity Act, which established the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) to administer the local application of federal funds targeted against poverty.
The story centers around the political upheaval that Vice President Johnson faced when he was thrust into the presidency at the hands of an assassin's bullet in November 1963. After Kennedy's death, Sarah Hughes administers the oath of the office for LBJ. With political battles on both sides of the aisle, Johnson works to heal a nation and secure his presidency by passing Kennedy's historic Civil Rights Act.
Jones attended St. Anthony's Catholic School in the West End of Atlanta, Osborne High School in Cobb County, and ultimately graduating from Westlake High School in south Fulton county.  During her high school years, LBJ began working at Six Flags over Georgia.  It did not take long for her to be promoted several levels.  As a seventeen-year-old high school senior LBJ supervised most of her high school classmates and was the youngest seasonal supervisor in the park.  In 1998, LBJ enrolled in Tennessee State University. Jones graduated from TSU 2002, cum laude, with a B.A. in English.  
The LBJ campus is located in northeast Austin. The school was built in 1974, taking on a portion of what had been the Reagan High School student body. The school was designed by Brooks, Barr, Graber & White, an Austin-based architecture firm. LBJ went through various renovations during summer 2010, including remodeling many of the science labs used by LASA. The building is primarily triangular with the addition of the fine arts wing and the theatre. The Theatre was named the Don T. Haynes III Performing Arts Center, after LBJ's band director of 37 years. The outside of the campus is maintained by a volunteer group of students and parents. The most well known feature of the LBJ campus is "The Texas," a large, granite statue in the shape of the state's outline. The statue, a gift from the class of 1978, sits outside the front of the school. As the school is built upon a hill the lowest level is partially underground to the north and therefore has no windows. It is fondly referred to as "The Dungeon" throughout campus. The Dungeon contains the robotic and engineering labs, the wood shop, gym, and science classrooms. Additionally there are two upper floors of which the first is inhabited by LBJ and the second upper floor is inhabited by LASA. On campus there are also eight portables only 3 of which are used by LASA. It is three stories tall, with three protruding academic wings currently designated by 3 different colored borders: white, yellow, and purple. The purple halls are mostly humanities and ELA (English/Language Arts) rooms, the white halls are mostly for math, and the yellow halls are mostly science classes. At that time, a huge student-painted mural dedicated to Kent Faseler, a girls' soccer coach and English teacher dubbed in the mural as "the Wizard of Fas," adorned one wall next to his class area in what was then the "orange open area" on the second floor. One notable feature of the school is the fine arts hall, a wide open space lined with lockers designated for band students only. In 2002 a group of seniors started a Reagan-LBJ tradition by wrapping the Texas in saran wrap to protect it from vandals. The night before the annual Reagan-LBJ football game, seniors wrap the Texas in saran wrap and spend the night keeping it and other parts of the campus safe from vandalism by students of their rival Reagan High School.Liberal Arts and Science Academy High School of Austin, Texas - LASA and LBJ students share the same campus, newspaper, yearbook, band, theatre, orchestra, choir, and many other curricular or extracurriclar programs
Lake LBJ has been stocked with several species of fish intended to improve the utility of the reservoir for recreational fishing. Fish present in Lake LBJ include largemouth bass, white bass, catfish, and crappie. Lake LBJ is one of the Highland Lakes infested with hydrilla, a non-native aquatic plant species, and the LCRA is undergoing treatment to eradicate the hydrilla.
Most of the property bordering Lake LBJ is privately owned. The Nightengale Archaeological Center at Kingsland is a unique educational park operated by the Lower Colorado River Authority that is adjacent to Lake LBJ. The popularity of Lake LBJ is largely due to its normally constant level water which provides ideal conditions for boating, water skiing, riding personal water craft and other water sports.
A longstanding opponent of the arms race and of the Vietnam War, Seeger satirically attacked then-President Lyndon Johnson with his 1966 recording, on the album "Dangerous Songs!?", of Len Chandler's children's song, ""Beans in My Ears"". Beyond Chandler's lyrics, Seeger said that "Mrs. Jay's little son Alby" had "beans in his ears," which, as the lyrics imply, ensures that a person does not hear what is said to them. To those opposed to continuing the Vietnam War, the phrase implied that "Alby Jay", a loose pronunciation of Johnson's nickname "LBJ," did not listen to anti-war protests as he too had "beans in his ears".
It is now 1948, and Johnson now is vying for a Senate seat soon to be vacated by a retiring Senator. His promises kept to the people of the hill country, he still must defeat Governor Coke Stevenson, who battles him for a Texas Democratic caucus vote amid rumors of corruption in the form of vote fixing. A 28-28 deadlock is broken when Johnson's staffers pull onto the floor a drunk member (despite goons under the control of Stevenson trying to prevent it), whose vote gains LBJ the Democratic Senate nomination. LBJ goes on to win the Senate seat in November, easily defeating his Republican opponent.
Conservative Research Fellow at the Independent Institute James L. Payne followed this line of thinking when he wrote that "the war on poverty was a costly, tragic mistake [because]...abolishing poverty did not seem far-fetched to the activists... [and] it was a perspective that led to intolerance... The simple economic theory of poverty led to a single underlying principle for welfare programs... In adopting the handout approach for their programs, the war-on-poverty activists failed to notice– or failed to care– that they were ignoring over a century of theory and experience in the social welfare field... The war-on-poverty activists not only ignored the lessons of the past on the subject of handouts; they also ignored their own experience with the poor."[21]
LASA publishes its own newspaper every six weeks, "The Liberator," as well as its own yearbook, "Stetson." Stetson was previously LBJ's yearbook. When LASA and LBJ began to share a campus, LASA produced the book for both campuses. In 2016, LBJ began its own yearbook again, and LASA kept the "Stetson" name.
The Austin TV station which Tom Johnson headed in the 1970s was profitable because LBJ "had friends in high places among those who controlled the broadcast industry," according to a 1978 book by another former LBJ aide, Bobby Baker, titled "Wheeling And Dealing: Confessions of a Capitol Hill Operator". The same book also revealed that "it is no accident that Austin, TX, was for years the only city of its size with only one television station" and "LBJ demanded, and received, the opportunity to pick and choose programs for his monopoly station from among those offered by all three of the major networks." "Wheeling And Dealing" also points out that "no other television station in America had such a unique and cozy arrangement" as the LBJ-owned KTBC station which Tom Johnson used to head for LBJ.
For two years, Renzo Martens traveled with his camera through the poorest and most violent areas of the Congolese interior. In these regions, where poverty is the highest export product, Martens start an emancipation program in which he encourages local communities to monetize their poverty. The local photographers, who are showing proudly their pictures of marriages and births, are encouraged to face their lenses on the most cruel and shocking situations. Renzo Martens explains carefully how they should shoot the jutting ribs of a malnourished child to make the picture attractive to sell to Western newspapers. When hope is flickering in the eyes of the Congolese photographers, it all comes down when they notice they will never obtain a press card to enter closed war zones. In this respect, Martens can only acknowledge the hopeless situation and organizes a party in the jungle to indulge their poverty.
The act was part of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty, which sought to eliminate poverty which President Johnson saw as: "... it's wastage of resources and human lives..." The aim was to bring Americans closer, away from "the outskirts of hope." By 1966, the program was under scrutiny from Republicans. They pointed out the waste and inefficiency in local programs and Nixon pledged to "take the profit out of poverty." LBJ was proud of the progress he had made with the passage of his bill, including 9.1 million acres of forestry that was set for harvest, the creation of Medicare, and funding injected into state schools. Funding that was for his poverty legislation were diverted to The Vietnam War. In 1967, Congress directed the Government Accountability Office, then General Accounting Office, to review anti-poverty programs by the federal government. The conclusion was that programs such as Head Start were effective in providing for children, but the primary objective of parent participation was insufficient. Community Action Programs were behind administratively and underachieved given the amount of money designated. Overall, the GAO determined that the poverty programs were working at the time. The act was essentially repealed under the Ronald Reagan administration in 1981, although much of the main features still remain. The remaining pieces of social legislation are reconfigured and adjusted, such as Head Start, which is now under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families, Office of Head Start. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 was replaced by The Community Services Block Grant (CSBG) which replaced the funding from direct funding to block grants with over 1200 plus community action agencies.
Jim Novy was one of Lyndon B. Johnson's (LBJ) great benefactors. Novy first met LBJ when LBJ was serving as assistant to Congressman Richard Kleberg. They became close when LBJ served as head of the National Youth Administration at the time Novy needed help placing European refugees; this collaboration between LBJ and Novy is referred to as Operation Texas. Novy and LBJ worked closely on many Jewish issues, particularly when LBJ was a senator in the early days of the state of Israel.
In 1962, when LBJ was vice-president under John F. Kennedy, the federal government condemned the land that Congregation Agudas Achim synagogue was on in order to build a new government office building. Novy worked with LBJ to get a good price for the land. Once again, Jim Novy was in charge of another Agudas Achim Building committee. In September 1963 the building, located on Bull Creek Road, was almost completed. Using open topped automobiles, four Torahs were transported from the old synagogue to the new state-of-the-art building, including one which was driven using LBJ's personal limousine. Vice-President Johnson was scheduled to dedicate the new synagogue building on November 24, 1963. But when Kennedy was assassinated two days before in Dallas, LBJ became president and couldn't attend the dedication. Remembering his promise to his friend Jim Novy, LBJ came to Austin on December 30, 1963 to dedicate the building. It was the first time that a sitting president dedicated a synagogue building. It was also LBJ's first public function after the assassination.
The new president thought it advantageous to quickly pursue one of Kennedy's primary legislative goals—a tax cut. Johnson worked closely with Harry F. Byrd of Virginia to negotiate a reduction in the budget below $100 billion in exchange for what became overwhelming Senate approval of the Revenue Act of 1964. Congressional approval followed at the end of February, and facilitated efforts to follow on civil rights. In late 1963, Johnson also launched the initial offensive of his War on Poverty, recruiting Kennedy relative Sargent Shriver, then head of the Peace Corps, to spearhead the effort. In March 1964, LBJ sent to Congress the Economic Opportunity Act, which created the Job Corps and the Community Action Program, designed to attack poverty locally. The act also created VISTA, Volunteers in Service to America, a domestic counterpart to the Peace Corps.
When President Johnson and his planning staff decided on the War on Poverty, most of the proposed programs would take more than a year to even start. However the Job Corps idea was well along in the planning stage and could be deployed rapidly, so the Labor Department Job Corps Task Force was appointed to the Task force for the War on Poverty, and the Job Corps was slated to be the initial operational program. 
President Johnson's 1965 Vietnam decisions: "No Good Choices: LBJ and the Vietnam/Great Society Connection" Presidents Week Lecture, 2006, Occasional Paper, American Academy of Arts and Sciences 2007; and "Inside LBJ's War: A Forum on Francis Bator's 'No Good Choices'", Diplomatic History, June 2008.
An ebullient Johnson starts his tenure as United States Senator by parking in the Senate Majority Leader reserved parking spot, much to the chagrin of the parking attendant. The same lot is shown again in the future, and Johnson's name is now fixed on the parking spot. Johnson is now working tirelessly with all of the members of the Senate, battling the troublesome Joseph McCarthy, making amendments to the Taft-Hartley Act, and pressing for civil rights legislation. A new face in Washington, Senator John F. Kennedy, is told under no uncertain terms that a committee spot on the Foreign Relations Committee in the Senate would be his if he stayed for a crucial labor vote. This meeting proved important as time moves forward to 1959, when Kennedy is one of the candidates for nomination in the Presidential campaign for the Democratic Party. A visit by JFK's brother Robert Kennedy to Texas is arranged as father Joseph Kennedy, who along with his sons, wish to know if LBJ is running for President or not. Johnson refers to Robert Kennedy as a "Harvard man" in a derisive tone while he discovers Robert's true intentions, and goes out of his way to try to embarrass him while hunting.
President Johnson's "War on Poverty" speech was delivered at a time of recovery (the poverty level had fallen from 22.4% in 1959 to 19% in 1964 when the War on Poverty was announced) and it was viewed by critics as an effort to get the United States Congress to authorize social welfare programs.[15]
On March 16, 1964, President Johnson called for the act in his Special Message to Congress that presented his proposal for a nationwide war on the sources of poverty. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 was passed as a part of LBJ's War on Poverty. Encompassing John F. Kennedy's purpose of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 was created "to eliminate the paradox of poverty on the midst of plenty in this nation by opening…. To everyone… the opportunity for education and training, the opportunity to work, and the opportunity to live in decency and dignity."
Long Binh Jail (commonly called LBJ, the "LBJ Ranch", or Long Binh Stockade) was a U.S. military stockade located at Long Binh Post, in Đồng Nai Province, South Vietnam during the Vietnam War. 90% of the prisoners in the jail were African Americans. The Dignity and Pride handshake was created here.
After the dedication, Novy was invited to the White House numerous times as a personal guest of LBJ. He was even present at one point to help LBJ work on his state of the union address.
This criticism was repeated in his speech at the same place later that month when he said that "and you may not know it, my friends, but it is estimated that we spend $500,000 to kill each enemy soldier, while we spend only fifty-three dollars for each person classified as poor, and much of that fifty-three dollars goes for salaries to people that are not poor. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor, and attack it as such."[25] The next year, King started the Poor People's Campaign to address the shortcomings of the "war on poverty" and to "demand a check" for suffering African-Americans which was carried on briefly after his death with the construction and maintenance of an encampment, Resurrection City, for over six weeks.[26] Years later, a writer in The Nation remarked that "the war on poverty has too often been a war on the poor themselves," but that much can be done.[27]
Today, the ranks of the poor are again swelling... These and other statistics have led careless observers to conclude that the war on poverty failed. No, it has achieved many good results. Society has failed. It tired of the war too soon, gave it inadequate resources and did not open up new fronts as required. Large-scale homelessness, an explosion of teen-age pregnancies and single-parent households, rampant illiteracy, drugs and crime – these have been both the results of and causes of persistent poverty. While it is thus inappropriate to celebrate an anniversary of the war on poverty, it is important to point up some of the big gains... Did every program of the 60's work? Was every dollar used to its maximum potential? Should every Great Society program be reinstated or increased? Of course not... First, we cannot afford not to resume the war. One way or another, the problem will remain expensive. Somehow, we will provide for the survival needs of the poorest: welfare, food stamps, beds and roofs for the homeless, Medicaid. The fewer poor there are, the fewer the relief problems. Getting people out of poverty is the most cost-effective public investment."[28]
Kennedy announced his candidacy after LBJ almost lost the New Hampshire primary. The day after announcing his candidacy, RFK predicted that Johnson would lose the general election if he was the party's nominee, if he continued to "follow the same policies we are following at the moment". Kennedy told reporters during a flight to Kansas City: "I didn't want to run for President. But when [Johnson] made it clear the war would go on, and that nothing was going to change, I had no choice." Clarke wrote that Kennedy was conveying he had a moral obligation to do everything in his power to prevent a prolonging of the policies he opposed. In mid-March, during an appearance at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, RFK charged LBJ's leadership with leading to the divisiveness of the U.S.: "They are the ones, the President of the United States, President Johnson, they are the ones who divide us." In late March, three days before LBJ announced that he would not be seeking the Democratic Party's nomination, James H. Rowe sent LBJ a memorandum charging that RFK's backers had said "the president would not run and that the best course for the Democrats was to 'Stay loose and stay committed.' " A late-March Gallup poll showed RFK defeating President Johnson in a national election.
President Lyndon B. Johnson declared his administration's War on Poverty in 1964 as the poverty rate increased by 19%. He funded welfare programs like Social Security, Food Stamps, Job Corps, and Head Start. The War on Poverty included programs such as Medicare and Medicaid. It provided the first direct federal assistance for school districts, milestone environmental law, urban renewal, civil rights, subsidy for bilingual education, and national donations for arts and humanities.