Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant documents that can help answer the question.
Query: What does a hakka symbolize?
According to Kāretu, the haka has been "erroneously defined by generations of uninformed as 'war dances'",[12] whereas Māori mythology places haka as the dance "about the celebration of life".[13] According to its creation story, the sun god, Tama-nui-te-rā, had two wives, the Summer Maid, Hine-raumati, and the Winter Maid, Hine-takurua. Haka originated in the coming of Hine-raumati, whose presence on still, hot days was revealed in a quivering appearance in the air. This was the haka of Tāne-rore, the son of Hine-raumati and Tama-nui-te-rā.[14][15] Hyland comments that "[t]he haka is (and also represents) a natural phenomena; on hot summer days, the 'shimmering' atmospheric distortion of air emanating from the ground is personified as 'Te Haka a Tānerore'".[16]
Hakka uses , like Cantonese for the verb "to eat" and (Hakka ) for "to drink", unlike Mandarin which prefers "chī" (Hakka ) as "to eat" and "hē" (Hakka ) as "to drink" where the meanings in Hakka are different, "to stutter" and "to be thirsty" respectively.
Hakka hill songs (; ) are rural songs sung in the Hakka language by the Hakka people. They are probably one of the better known elements that reflect Hakka culture, regarded by many as the 'pearl of Hakka Literature'.
Raoping Hakka (; Taiwanese Hakka Romanization System: ngiau pin kagˋ gaˇ faˋ), also known as Shangrao Hakka (), is a dialect of Hakka Chinese spoken in Raoping, Guangdong, as well as Taiwan.
Louis Dupré differentiates between signs and symbols, proposing that a sign points to something while a symbol represents it. A symbol holds its own meaning: rather than merely pointing someone towards another object, it takes the place of and represents that object. He believes that a symbol has some ambiguity which does not exist with a sign. Dupré believes that a symbol may deserve respect because it contains what is signified within itself. A symbol reveals a reality beyond what is already perceived and transforms the ways the current reality is perceived. Dupré differentiates between religious and aesthetic symbols, suggesting that a religious symbol points towards something which "remains forever beyond our reach". He proposed that a religious symbol does not reveal the nature of what it signifies, but conceals it.
The Hakka in Singkawang and the surrounding regencies of Sambas, Bengkayang, Ketapang and Landak speak a different standard of Hakka dialect to the Hakkas along the Kapuas River. Originally West Borneo has diverse Hakka origin but during the 19th century, a large people came from Jiexi so more Hakkas in the region speak Hopo mixed with Wuhua and Huilai accents that eventually formed the dialect of Singkawang Hakka.
To many people it appeared that the trouble in Larut was merely a continuation of the trouble between the Ghee Hin and Tua Pek Kong societies in Ujong Salang in 1859 which later spread to Penang. The Larut Wars were fought between Hakka and Hakka. The Hai San miners were mainly Hakka men from Cheng Sheng. The first two battles (1861 and 1865) were between the Cheng Sheng Hakka of the Hai San and the Hui Chew Hakka of the Ghee Hin. The Last two (1872 and 1873) were between the Cheng Sheng Hakka of the Hai San and the Sin Neng Hakka of the Ghee Hin, the Hui Chew Hakka from the Ghee Hin from the earlier two battles having gone down to Selangor to join Yap Ah Loy, a Hui Chew Hakka who was head of the Hai San in Selangor. Lee Ah Kun (Lee Ko Yin), Ho Ghi Siu and Chin Seng Yam (陈亚炎, Chin Ah Yam 陳亞炎) were Sin Neng Hakka.
Hakka cuisine, or Kuh-chia cuisine, is the cooking style of the Hakka people, who may also be found in other parts of Taiwan and in countries with significant overseas Hakka communities. There are numerous restaurants in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand serving Hakka cuisine. Hakka cuisine was listed in 2014 on the first Hong Kong Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage.
Hakka from all over the world have also migrated to the USA. One group is the New England Hakka Association, which reminds its members not to forget their roots. One example is a blog by Ying Han Brach called "Searching for My Hakka Roots". Another group is the Hakka Association of New York, which aims to promote Hakka culture across the five boroughs of New York City. In the mid 1970s, the Hakka Benevolent Association in San Francisco was founded by Tu Chung. The association has strong ties with the San Francisco community and offers scholarships to their young members. There are significant Hakka communities in San Francisco, San Jose, Seattle and Los Angeles.
In India and other regions with significant Indian populations, the locally known "Hakka cuisine" is actually an Indian adaptation of original Hakka dishes. This variation of Hakka cuisine is in reality, mostly Indian Chinese cuisine. It is called "Hakka cuisine" because in India, many owners of restaurants who serve this cuisine are of Hakka origin. Typical dishes include 'chilli chicken' and 'Dongbei (northeastern) chow mein' (an Indianised version of real Northeastern Chinese cuisine), and these restaurants also serve traditional Indian dishes such as pakora. Being very popular in these areas, this style of cuisine is often mistakenly credited as being representative of Hakka cuisine in general, whereas the authentic style of Hakka cuisine is rarely known in these regions.
The museum building was built with Hakka architectural layout over two floors in a cage layout. The exhibition areas are divided into the Hakka cultivation, Hakka farm life, Hakka life, Hakka culture and heritage.
The grammar's terminal symbols are the multi-character symbols or 'tokens' found in the input stream by a lexical scanner. Here these include = + * and "int" for any integer constant, and "id" for any identifier name. The grammar doesn't care what the "int" values or "id" spellings are, nor does it care about blanks or line breaks. The grammar uses these terminal symbols but does not define them. They are always at the bottom bushy end of the parse tree.
The grammar's terminal symbols are the multi-character symbols or 'tokens' found in the input stream by a lexical scanner. Here these include + * and "int" for any integer constant, and "id" for any identifier name, and "eof" for end of input file. The grammar doesn't care what the "int" values or "id" spellings are, nor does it care about blanks or line breaks. The grammar uses these terminal symbols but does not define them. They are always leaf nodes (at the bottom bushy end) of the parse tree.
The history of art criticism is not only a biographical endeavor. The history of art criticism often roots its studies in the scrutiny of individual objects. It attempt to answer in historically specific ways, questions such as: What are key features of this style?, What meaning did this object convey?, How does it function visually?, Did the artist meet their goals well?, What symbols are involved?, and Does it function discursively?
The languages used by Han Taiwanese include Mandarin (entire country), Hokkien (Taiwan proper and Kinmen), Hakka (Taiwan proper), Mindong (Matzu), Puxian (Wuqiu Island, Kinmen), and other Han languages spoken by some post-World War II immigrants or immigrants from mainland China since the 1990s. The writing systems used include Han characters, Han phonetic notations such as Mandarin Phonetic Symbols for Mandarin and Taiwanese Phonetic Symbols for Minnan and Hakka, and the Latin alphabet for various romanization systems, including Tongyong Pinyin, Wade–Giles, Gwoyeu Romatzyh and Mandarin Phonetic Symbols II for Mandarin, POJ and Taiwanese Minnan Romanization System for Minnan, and Hakka Romanization System for Hakka.
Hakka culture () refers to the culture created by Hakka people, a Han Chinese subgroup, across Asia. It encompasses the shared language, various art forms, food culture, folklore, and traditional customs. Hakka culture stemmed from the culture of Ancient Han Chinese, who migrated from China's central plain to what is modern day's Southern China during the 6th to 13th century, and intermixed with local non-Han ethnic groups such as the Miao people. It has also been influenced by the cultures of surrounding Han Chinese groups, such as the Cantonese and the Hoklo. Having historically lived in the mountains of Southern China and being minority groups in many of the surrounding Chinese provinces, Hakka have developed a culture characterized by reservedness, stability, and frugality.
The Liudui Hakka Cultural Park () is a cultural center in Neipu Township, Pingtung County, Taiwan about Hakka people. Liudui Hakka Cultural Park was expected to be a tourist window for Hakka culture in southern Taiwan, with language and culture heritage, performance marketing and leisure recreation functions. The two main concepts of the park are Hakka village lives and natural ecology; there are four main regions outdoors, including the umbrella stand village (Hakka Settlement Architecture), Natural Prairie Area, Natural Grassland Area and Nine Flowers Garden Area. While there are a number of exhibition halls indoors, such as the permanent exhibition, multimedia exhibition, children exploring space (Hakkaland) and rooms for stocking cigarettes and grinding grain (Tobacco Barn Exhibition Hall & Rice Mill Exhibition Hall). Through rural experiences, homeland education, Hakka cultural performances and sales for characteristic Hakka industry goods, Liudui Hakka Cultural Park presents Hakka’s unique atmosphere in various forms. Liudui Hakka Cultural Park not only passes on Hakka culture, but the diverse ecological landscapes in the park also convey a new life attitude, to allow visitors to experience the Hakka people’s lifestyle of respecting nature.
The Hakka people have a marked cuisine and style of Chinese cooking which is little known outside the Hakka home. It concentrates on the texture of food – the hallmark of Hakka cuisine. Whereas preserved meats feature in Hakka delicacy, stewed, braised, roast meats – 'texturised' contributions to the Hakka palate – have a central place in their repertoire. Preserved vegetables (梅菜) are commonly used for steamed and braised dishes such as steamed minced pork with preserved vegetables and braised pork with salted vegetables. In fact, the raw materials for Hakka food are no different from raw materials for any other type of regional Chinese cuisine where what is cooked depends on what is available in the market. Hakka cuisine may be described as outwardly simple but tasty. The skill in Hakka cuisine lies in the ability to cook meat thoroughly without hardening it, and to naturally bring out the proteinous flavour (umami taste) of meat.
Hakka Americans (客家美國人 or 客裔美國人), also called American Hakka, are Han people in the United States of Hakka origin, mostly from present-day Guangdong and Fujian, China, and Taiwan. Many Hakka Americans have connections to Hakka diaspora in Jamaica, the Caribbean, South East Asia, Latin America, and South America. The Han characters for Hakka (客家) literally mean "guest families". Unlike other Han ethnic groups, the Hakkas are not named after a geographical region, e.g. a province, county or city. The Hakkas usually identify with people who speak the Hakka language or share at least some Hakka ancestry. The earliest Hakka immigrants to what is now the United States mostly went to Hawaii, starting when the Kingdom of Hawaii was an independent sovereign state. After the lifting of the Chinese Exclusion Act by the passage of the Magnuson Act in 1943, the Hakka began to come to the US from Taiwan and to a lesser extent Hong Kong, Southeast Asia, Jamaica and the Caribbean.
Art history is not only a biographical endeavor. Art historians often root their studies in the scrutiny of individual objects. They thus attempt to answer in historically specific ways, questions such as: What are key features of this style?, What meaning did this object convey?, How does it function visually?, Did the artist meet their goals well?, What symbols are involved?, and Does it function discursively?
When Jean Hyppolite asks: "What use does the Symbolic have?" Lacan answers: "The Symbolic, the Imaginary and the Real are useful in giving its meaning to a particularly pure symbolic experience, that of analysis." Since the symbolic dimension is the only dimension that cures, "The symbolic order is simultaneously non-being and insisting to be, that is what Freud has in mind when he talks about the death instinct as being what is most fundamental: a symbolic order in travail, in the process of coming, insisting in being realized."
Many organizations have been formed to promote Hakka culture in the US. One group is the New England Hakka Association, which reminds its members not to forget their roots. One example is a blog by Ying Han Brach called "Searching for My Hakka Roots". Another group is the Hakka Association of New York, which aims to promote Hakka culture across the five boroughs of New York City. In the mid 1970s, the Hakka Benevolent Association in San Francisco (San Francisco Jiaying Association) was founded by Tu Chung. The association has strong ties with the San Francisco community and offers scholarships to their young members. The most prominent association in Hawaii is the Tsung Tsin Association (崇正會), which was founded in Honolulu in 1918 under the name "Nin Fo Fui Kon" (人和會館). It provides scholarships to US citizens in Hawaii that are preferably of Hakka background and/or interested in the Hakka culture.
After the publishing of Hakka New Testament in Shantou in the 1920s, the church in Taiwan sent Pastor Chung Tien-zhi, a Hakka from Miaoli County, to Shantou and began learn the Romanized Cantonese alphabet. This learning experience enabled him to help the Taiwan Hakka Christians to compile their own dialect version of the Bible. Pastor Chung brought the Shantou Hakka Bible copies to Taiwan, but the substantial variances between the Hakka dialects, the Taiwanese Hakka population were unable to fully adopt it, and the low reception resulted in fewer people during that period ever becoming aware of the existence of the Shantou Hakka Bible version.
Previously, the single largest work in Hakka was the New Testament and Psalms (1993, 1138 pp., see The Bible in Chinese: Hakka), but since 2012 that has been surpassed by the publication of the complete Hakka Bible known as the and includes the Old Testament along with audio recordings. These works render Hakka in both romanization (pha̍k-fa-sṳ) and Han characters (including ones unique to Hakka) and are based on the dialects of Taiwanese Hakka speakers. The work of Biblical translation is being performed by missionaries of the Presbyterian Church in Canada.
Work on the Old Testament was more challenging since the translators had to figure out what the Hakka equivalent for ‘seal’ or ‘signet ring’ should be, whether the land of "Sinim" refers to a place in Egypt or to China, and how the Lord ‘roars’ and ‘thunders’.
The translation of the Old Testament in both the Chinese characters and Romanized Hakka Pha̍k-fa-sṳ orthography was finally completed and published on April 22, 2012. This is the first time in history that the entire Hakka Bible is available in the Romanized script (The 1923 Old & New Testament Bible contained only Chinese characters and the 1924 Hakka New Testament did not have the Old Testament).