Instruct: Given a question, retrieve documents that can help answer the question.
Query: When did nation states start existing in Europe?
The origins and early history of nation states are disputed. A major theoretical question is: "Which came first, the nation or the nation state?" Scholars such as Steven Weber, David Woodward, and Jeremy Black[9][10][11] have advanced the hypothesis that the nation state did not arise out of political ingenuity or an unknown undetermined source, nor was it an accident of history or political invention; but is an inadvertent byproduct of 15th-century intellectual discoveries in political economy, capitalism, mercantilism, political geography, and geography[12][13] combined together with cartography[14][15] and advances in map-making technologies.[16][17] It was with these intellectual discoveries and technological advances that the nation state arose. For others, the nation existed first, then nationalist movements arose for sovereignty, and the nation state was created to meet that demand. Some "modernization theories" of nationalism see it as a product of government policies to unify and modernize an already existing state. Most theories see the nation state as a 19th-century European phenomenon, facilitated by developments such as state-mandated education, mass literacy and mass media. However, historians also note the early emergence of a relatively unified state and identity in Portugal and the Dutch Republic.
Leisure has historically been the privilege of the upper-class. Opportunities for leisure came with more money, or organization, and less working time, rising dramatically in the mid to late 19th century, starting in Great Britain and spreading to other rich nations in Europe. It spread as well to the United States, although that country had a reputation in Europe for providing much less leisure despite its wealth. Immigrants to the United States discovered they had to work harder than they did in Europe. Economists continue to investigate why Americans work longer hours. In a recent book, Laurent Turcot argues that leisure was not created in the 19th century but is imbricated in the occidental world since the beginning of history.
Albanian socialist historiography was associated with the Albanian state building project of national legitimation. Albanian historiography was based upon the works of a group of Albanian speaking intelligentsia that during the early to mid 19th century developed a national narrative when professional Albanian historians did not exist. Balanced approaches to history were not encouraged during the period between the end of World War II and the death of Enver Hohxa in 1985. After the Second World War the communist government trained scholars to become historians and write Albanian history, while due to the political context they were preoccupied with matters relating to national identity. In 1959, the first volume on the history of Albania was published that dealt with topics ranging from antiquity until the 19th century and was a major undertaking that was a serious analysis of Greek, Latin, Byzantine and Ottoman sources. Elements of national construction dominated parts of the work such as stressing the Illyrians as the ancestors of the Albanians, the existence of an Albanian medieval state and that Albanians during the Ottoman period were an autonomous entity. These themes though linked to matters of national identification were not completely unfounded. During the communist period, the regime attempted to instill a national consciousness through the scope of a teleological past based upon Illyrian descent, Skanderbeg's resistance to the Ottomans and the nationalist reawakening ("Rilindja") of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Those themes and concepts of history have still continued within a post-communist environment modified and adapted to fit contemporary Albania's aspirations regarding Europe. Albanian historiographical scholarship though compromised by political influences did manage to produce reliable information at times.
The Indian Mineral Leasing Act (IMLA) of 1938 was brought to the attention of the Navajo people in 1964 when the Navajo Nation entered into an agreement with a third party to lease a substantial portion of Navajo land for coal mining. The Navajo Nation complained that the United States acted in the interests of a coal mining company, and not in the interests of the Navajo Nation, when negotiating the rate of royalty payments owed on coal mined from Navajo land. The Court of Federal Claims dismissed the complaint, ruling that although the United States had breached its fiduciary obligations to the Navajo Nation, this breach was not actionable because the United States did not have a trust relationship with the Navajo Nation and monetary relief was not available. The court of appeals reversed, holding (1) that a trust relationship existed and exists with the Navajo Nation, and (2) monetary damages are an available remedy for breach of this trust.
The conservative forces held sway until the Revolutions of 1848 swept across Europe and threatened the old order. Numerous movements developed around various cultural groups, who began to develop a sense of national identity. While initially, all of these revolutions failed, and reactionary forces would re-establish political control, the revolutions marked the start of the steady progress towards the end of the Concert of Europe under the dominance of a few multi-national empires and led to the establishment of the modern nation state in Europe; a process that would not be complete for over a century and a half. Central and Eastern Europe's political situation was partly shaped by the two World Wars, while many national identities in these two regions formed modern nation states when the collapse of the Soviet Union and the multinational states Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia led to numerous new states forming during the last two decades of the 20th century.
Yugoslavia was a country that existed between 1918 and 1992 (this article excludes data of the FR Yugoslavia that existed between 1992 and 2003 when it was renamed to Serbia and Montenegro). Created at the end of First World War in 1918 when Kingdom of Serbia absorbed South-Slav inhabited territories of Austro-Hungary, Yugoslavia existed as a monarchy until the start of Second World War, which for Yugoslavia was in 1941. In 1927 the first airline was created, Aeroput, which became the flag carrier and the 10th airline company founded in Europe and the 21st in the world. It operated all domestic and international flights to Central and South-Eastern Europe.
The United States declared that the elections "did not meet international standards", while the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, EU and Council of Europe highlighted some positive aspects, while stating that "the conduct of the elections did not represent significant progress in the process of the country’s democratic development".
Teams in the reorganized Europe and MEA regions did not have nationality restrictions, as evidenced by the 2009 series. In that year, both regions were won by teams made up primarily of children of American expatriates. Europe was represented by a team from Ramstein Air Base, a United States Air Force base in Germany, while MEA was represented for the second time in its two-year existence by the team from the Saudi Aramco camp.
Frunda received support from UDMR president Béla Markó, who reacted to additional criticism from the Democratic Party's Emil Boc, and indicated that he shared his colleague's views on the nation-state issue ("The concept of nation-state no longer exists in Europe"). He dismissed opposition to Frunda's attitude as "lectures in loyalty", and stated that Frunda's activity at the Council of Europe "deserves praise and appreciation".
'**'Title Did Not Exist. While the ABA did start its pro cruiser class in 1981 the title pro cruiser National Number One did not exist until 1987.
This type of state is not specifically European: such empires existed on all continents, except Australia and Antarctica. Some of the smaller European states were not so ethnically diverse, but were also dynastic states, ruled by a royal house. Their territory could expand by royal intermarriage or merge with another state when the dynasty merged. In some parts of Europe, notably Germany, very small territorial units existed. They were recognized by their neighbors as independent, and had their own government and laws. Some were ruled by princes or other hereditary rulers, some were governed by bishops or abbots. Because they were so small, however, they had no separate language or culture: the inhabitants shared the language of the surrounding region.
The United States maintains that the United Nations Command, to which United Nations Command-Rear answers, is a military organization of the United Nations. The United States asserts that Security Council Resolution 84 made it the "executive agent" of the United Nations in Korea and that the UN had, through that process, delegated to the United States the authority to organize and command military forces on behalf of the UN and to independently determine when peace did or did not exist in Korea.
Mosley summed up the arguments himself by stating that 'no lesser degree of union than that of an integral nation can give the will and power to act on the great scale... No lesser space than all Europe, and the overseas possessions of Europe in a common pool, can give the room within which to act effectively'. However Europe a Nation drew heavily on the existing heritage of fascism and indeed Graham Macklin has argued that it "merely adapted and enlarged the parameters of his fascist panacea to suit the times, and is thus easily recognisable as 'Fascist'".
Although the Confederacy hoped that Britain and France would join them against the Union, this was never likely, and so they instead tried to bring Britain and France in as mediators. The Union, under Lincoln and Secretary of State William H. Seward worked to block this, and threatened war if any country officially recognized the existence of the Confederate States of America. In 1861, Southerners voluntarily embargoed cotton shipments, hoping to start an economic depression in Europe that would force Britain to enter the war to get cotton, but this did not work. Worse, Europe developed other cotton suppliers, which they found superior, hindering the South's recovery after the war.
Much that is regarded as "Danish" national culture today was not widespread in the psyche of Danish emigrants during the nineteenth century immigration to the United States. It would take the European nationalism and class struggles of the late nineteenth century to effectively seed the ideas of a distinctive national cultural personality. While many Danish emigrants to the US fared far better economically than emigrants from Eastern Europe, a deep cultural awareness of Danish literature, with popular fiction authors such as Hans Christian Andersen, did not exist among the agrarian "bønder" or common people of Denmark. Exceptions exist, of course; primary among these are a rich heritage of folklore, an affinity to art, and regional traditions involving food and feast days.
Initially, the movement can be described as part of the more general nation-building process in Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries when the multi-national Austro-Hungarian, Russian and Ottoman Empires were being replaced by nation-states. The Italian nation-building process can be compared to similar movements in Germany ("Großdeutschland"), Hungary, Serbia and in pre-1914 Poland. Simultaneously, in many parts of 19th century Europe liberalism and nationalism were ideologies which were coming to the forefront of political culture. In Eastern Europe, where the Habsburg Empire had long asserted control over a variety of ethnic and cultural groups, nationalism appeared in a standard format. The beginning of the 19th century "was the period when the smaller, mostly indigenous nationalities of the empire – Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, Ukrainians, Romanians – remembered their historical traditions, revived their native tongues as literary languages, reappropriated their traditions and folklore, in short reasserted their existence as nations". The notion of a single united Italy was related to the aspirations of the "majority populations".
The NBP often used non-violent direct-action stunts, mostly against prominent political figures.National Bolshevik Party founded branches across the Post-Soviet states. Relatively strong branches of the party existed in Latvia, Ukraine, and Belarus. Several small groups often made up of Russian immigrants that are named National Bolshevik Party have existed in countries across Europe and North America. Most of them did not have official registration.
The European Union does not include every nation in Europe and there is no consensus among the existing member state governments towards becoming even a loose confederation. 
The state of nature is a concept used in moral and political philosophy, religion, social contract theories and international law to denote the hypothetical conditions of what the lives of people might have been like before societies came into existence. Philosophers of the state of nature theory deduce that there must have been a time before organized societies existed, and this presumption thus raises questions such as: "What was life like before civil society?"; "How did government first emerge from such a starting position?," and; "What are the hypothetical reasons for entering a state of society by establishing a nation-state?". 
In 2014, Schlembach describes the existence of "a form of pan-European nationalism — a 'Europe for the Europeans' — that is based upon anti-Americanism and ethno-pluralism" within "some sections" of European neo-fascism. Indeed, European nationalist organisations did continue to exist on a minor scale after the disintegration of the National Party of Europe in the 1970s, but no group advocates a "European nation state". According to scholars, former European nationalist groups now propose a European ethnic federalism based on an ideology of "European culturalism", or underwent an "Eurosceptic turn", the ideology of European nationalism being largely replaced by hard Euroscepticism by the 2010s.
The line was released as "The Transformers" in the United States, Canada and the UK in 1984 (One year after the Gobots) but Takara was still marketing Diaclone at least during 1984. Hence in Japan "The Transformers" did not debut under that brand till 1985, when the line was also rolled out to the majority of the rest of the world between Takara and Hasbro. Hasbro Europe still will not accept, however, that the range was released in the UK in 1984 , not even with evidence such as Argos 1984 catalogues containing the range, the UK comic launching in September 1984 or even the 1984 Transformers product catalogue produced by "Hasbro Industries (UK) Ltd, Wokingham". It is thought that Hasbro Europe as it now stands did not come into existence till 1985, hence no records of Transformers sales in 1984. UK Transformers toys were sold in boxes identical to those of their American counterparts until around 1998/9 when the range started to have UK exclusives.
In April 1934, the University of Sydney hosted the first women's baseball national championships. When the championships were completed, an All Australian team was selected. All Australian selection was the highest honour a player could get at a time when a national team did not exist. In 1936, the Australians reached out to see about creating a tournament with national teams from Canada, the United States and Japan.
For example, in "" (2000), Jeffrey Herbst explains that "domestic security threats, of the type African countries face so often, may force the state to increase revenue; however, civil conflicts result in fragmentation and considerable hostility among different segments of the population", undermining the state's ability to rally the population's support for the "national project" (2000: 126). In a later article, Herbst argues that war in Europe lead to strong states and that without war African states will remain weak. In Europe, external threats allowed states to tax, increase taxation, and forge a national identity. Additionally, the states that were invaded and taken over (such as Poland-Lithuania or Ireland) by stronger countries were militarily and politically weak. African states are poor, have weak governments, and are fragmented on ethnic or regional lines. According to theory, these weak African states should be susceptible to external threats, but this is not the case. In Africa, Herbst notes, there are rarely conflicts between states, and if there are, war does not threaten the existence of the state. For example, in the 1979 Uganda-Tanzania War, Tanzania invaded Uganda to overthrow Idi Amin, but after the Tanzanians had removed Amin, they left the country. Although African states do not experience widespread interstate war, Herbst argues they need it to reform the tax structure and to build a national identity. Herbst concludes that war in Africa is likely to occur when African leaders realize that their economic reforms and efforts to build a national identity do not work and in desperation will start wars to build the states that their countries need. James Robinson disagrees with Herbst in the grade of influence of war on state-building, stating that European colonization and European influences in the continent impacted more deeply the creation of institutions, and therefore, states in Africa.
"Himni i Flamurit", the national anthem of Albania, has been widely used in Kosovo with other Albanian national symbols. It was also the state anthem of the unrecognized Republic of Kosova that existed from 1990 until 1999 when the province was taken into the control of the United Nations.
Section 2 then poses the question: "What, then, is implied in a government's resting on consent?". In this section, Spooner expands on his questioning of consent and whether it truly exists. He earlier challenged this idea with the Civil War since it is not "consistent for the North to wage war for government based on consent in order to make the South live under the rule of a government it does not want". However, the outcome of the war introduces the idea of a majority containing the consent over everyone. This poses as a problem, as the Constitution states that its creation was based under everyone's consent; therefore, everyone should have a say in what goes on with the state. With that in mind, Spooner expresses his argument against consent to the majority in seven points that act as closing arguments for this specific section:Section 3 questions how a nation comes to existence, and what is the justification of why the United States remains a nation. "By what right, then, did we become 'a nation?' By what right do we continue to be 'a nation?' And by why right do either the strongest, or the most numerous, party, now existing within the territorial limits, called 'The United States,' claim that there really is such 'a nation' as the United States?". The idea of majority vote and the influence of majority is engraved in this section as well as that of consent. Spooner mentions how consent resides within each person, and that numbers should not dictate who starts entities such as political groups. Therefore, in order or a government to work, consent needs to be present from the people.