Instruct: Given a question, retrieve passages that answer the question.
Query: Where are the Muhajir originally from?
The Muhajir people (also spelled Mahajir and Mohajir) (Urdu: مہاجر‎) are Muslim immigrants, of multi-ethnic origin, and their descendants, who migrated from various regions of India after the independence of Pakistan.[2][3][4][5][6] Although many of them speak different languages at the native level, they are primarily identified as native Urdu speakers and hence are called Urdu-speaking people. The term Muhajirs generally refers to those Muslim migrants from India who settled in urban Sindh.[7]
Mohajirs had never liked the idea of identifying themselves with Sindhi population on the basis of ethnicity or nationality and were always hostile of "Sindhi nationalism" instead of "ethnic nationalism." But Ethno-nationalist politicians convinced them that circumstances needed them to seek their identity on ethnic lines. The Muhajir sense of isolation came into being through a series of events. The three most important being the 1964 presidential elections, the 1972 language riots, and the post-1985 ethnic clashes between Muhajirs and non-Muhajirs in Karachi. "During the December 1964 presidential elections, the Muhajir population of Karachi experienced a wrath of a Pathan backlash when Gohar Ayub Khan, son of President Ayub Khan, launched a series of attacks on Muhajir communities because of their support for Fatimah Jinnah, the sister of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, against Ayub Khan." Though Gohar Ayub's intentions were to target those who opposed his father, ethno-nationalists portrayed the move as specifically targeting Muhajirs At this time Ayub Khan moved the federal capital from Karachi to Islamabad, causing further anger amongst the elite of the Muhajir community, especially the bureaucracy.
The late 1980s saw turbulent ethnic rioting between Sindhis and Muhajirs. On 30 September 1988, militants from the Sindh Progressive Party drove into Muhajir dominated areas in the city, and opened indiscriminate fire in busy crossroads. The so-called "Hyderabad Massacre" resulted in the deaths of over 60 people in a single day, and more than 250 deaths in total. In a backlash, more than 60 Sindhi speaking people were gunned down in Karachi. The city began to divide itself ethnically, and the Muhajir population migrated en masse from Qasimabad and the interior of Sindh into Latifabad. Similarly, Sindhis moved to Qasimabad from Hyderabad and Latifabad. Further ethnic disturbances occurred in May 1990, including a police-led siege of the Pacco Qillo fortress in the centre of Hyderabad, in which Muhajir activists claim 150 were killed. 2 bombings on trains in Hyderabad killed 10 people in 2000.
Much of Karachi's citizenry descend from Urdu-speaking migrants from North India who became known by the Arabic term for "Migrant" – Muhajir. The first Muhajirs of Karachi arrived in 1946 in the aftermath of the Great Calcutta Killings and subsequent 1946 Bihar riots. The city's wealthy Hindus opposed the resettlement of refugees near their homes, and so many refugees were accommodated in the older and more congested parts of Karachi. The city witnessed a large influx of Muhajirs following Partition, who were drawn to the port city and newly designated federal capital for its white-collar job opportunities. Muhajirs continued to migrate to Pakistan throughout the 1950s and early 1960s, with Karachi remaining the primary destination of Indian Muslim migrants throughout those decades. The Muhajir Urdu-speaking community in the 2017 census forms slightly less than 45% of the city's population. Muhajirs form the bulk of Karachi's middle class. Muhajirs are regarded as the city's most secular community, while other minorities such as Christians and Hindus increasingly regard themselves as part of the Muhajir community.
The Muhajir Sooba (literally meaning 'Immigrant Province') is a political movement which seeks to represent the Muhajir people of Sindh. This concept floated as a political bargaining tool by the leader of Muttahida Qaumi Movement, Altaf Hussain for the creation of a Muhajir province for the Muhajir-majority areas of Sindh, which would be independent from Sindh government. The political deprivations of MQM became the major causes leading towards the demand of a separate province. Various other names have been suggested by Altaf Hussain to refer to proposed new province such as Sindh 1 and Sindh 2.
Upon arrival in Pakistan, the Muhajirs did not assert themselves as a separate ethnic identity but were at the forefront of trying to construct an Islamic Pakistani identity.[37] Muhajirs dominated the bureaucracy of Sindh in the early years of the Pakistani state, largely due to their higher levels of educational attainment.[33] Prior to the partition, Hindus dominated the professions of lawyers, teachers and tradesmen in Sindh and the vacancies they left behind were filled up by the Muhajirs.[23]
There are several ethnic groups in Muhajir Camp including Kathiawari, Muhajirs, Sindhis, Kashmiris, Seraikis, Pakhtuns, Balochis, Brahuis,
Memons, Bohras and Ismailis.
The Muhajir diaspora consists of expatriates and residents from Pakistan, with a Muhajir background, living around the world. 
Muhajir culture () is the culture of Urdu speaking Muslims that migrated mainly from North India after the independence of Pakistan in 1947 generally to the Sindh province and mainly to the city of Karachi. They are also known as Urdu speakers, on account of Urdu being their native language, and have also been referred to as Hindustani Musalman ("Indian Muslims"). Many Muhajirs of Pakistan are closely related to the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh in India. The Muhajirs are concentrated in urban areas of Sindh.
Many Muhajirs have emigrated from Pakistan and have settled permanently in Europe, North America and Australasia. There are also a significant number of Muhajirs who are working in the Middle East, especially in the Persian Gulf countries:
Historically, Sindhi and Balochi were spoken by the native population before the British conquest in 1843 by Charles James Napier. During British rule, many Gujrati and Parsi business families and Christian Goans bureaucracy migrated from Bombay Presidency to Karachi as it was being developed as a major port. After independence of Pakistan in 1947, Muslim refugees (Muhajirs) migrated to Karachi. The vast majority of Muhajirs spoke Urdu. Today Karachi is predominantly Urdu speaking city with many other languages also spoken in the city. The Pashtuns (Pakhtuns or Pathans), originally from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, FATA and northern Balochistan, are now the city's third largest ethnic group in Karachi after Muhajirs. With as high as 7 million by some estimates, the city of Karachi in Pakistan has the largest concentration of urban Pakhtun population in the world, including 50,000 registered Afghan refugees in the city. As per current demographic ratio Pashtuns are about 12% of Karachi's population.
Where much of the politics of Hussain's party MQM revolves around fighting for justice for the muhajir community in Pakistan, he has always stated that his party "[stands] for equal rights and opportunities for all irrespective of colour, creed, caste, sect, gender, ethnicity or religion". Hussain's party started out as a movement for the empowerment of muhajirs in Pakistan but later modified its underlying ideologies to reflect a more broader political scope by changing its name from "Muhajir Qaumi Movement" to "Muttahida Qaumi Movement".
The Muhajirs (Urdu-speakers) of Pakistan were largely settled in the Sindh province, particularly in the province's capital, Karachi, where the Muhajirs were in a majority. As a result of their domination of major Sindhi cities, there had been tensions between Muhajirs and the native Sindhis. The Muhajirs, upon their arrival in Pakistan, soon joined the Punjabi-dominated ruling elite of the new-born country due to their high rates of education and urban background.[33] They possessed the required expertise for running Pakistan's nascent bureaucracy and economy. Although the Muhajirs were, socially, urbane and liberal they sided with the country's religious political parties such as Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP).[34]
In 675, Maslama appointed Abu al-Muhajir to the position of amir or general of the Umayyad forces in Ifriqiya. This position was already occupied by Uqba ibn Nafi, a member of the Banu Quraish. Maslama advised Abu al-Muhajir to relieve Uqba of his position with due deference, but it seems that this did not happen. Uqba was shackled and thrown into prison, from which he was only released when the Caliph requested to see him. As Uqba left Ifriqiya for Damascus, he vowed to treat Abu al-Muhajir as he had been treated.
There are over 400,000 Urdu-speakers in the UK, some of whom are Muhajirs. Muhajirs originally migrated from present-day India to Pakistan following the partition of British India in 1947. Most of them settled in Pakistan's largest city, Karachi, where they form the demographic majority. Many Muhajir Pakistanis later migrated to Britain, effecting a secondary migration. Altaf Hussain, leader of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)—the largest political party in Karachi, with its roots lying in the Muhajir community—has been based in England in self-imposed exile since 1992. He is controversially regarded to have virtually "ruled" and "remotely governed" Karachi from his residence in the north London suburb of Edgware.
"Muhajir" (,) is an Arabic term used in Pakistan to describe the mostly Urdu-speaking Muslim refugees, and their descendants, who migrated from India and settled in Pakistan after the partition of India in 1947. Despite different origins, these groups have been formed together in the Sindh region and use Urdu as their mother tongue. They are generally known as Urdu-speakers.
On 27 October 1958, General Ayub Khan stage a coup and imposed martial law across Pakistan.[39] The dichotomy between the Muhajirs’ social and political dispositions was a result of the sense of insecurity that the community felt in a country where the majority of its inhabitants were ‘natives.’ Lacking the historical and cultural roots of native Pakistani ethnicity, the Mohajirs backed the state's project of constructing a homogeneous national identity that repulsed ethnic sentiment.[35] The Mohajirs also echoed the views of the religious parties that eschewed pluralism and ethnic identities and propagated a holistic national unity based on the commonality of the Islamic faith followed by the majority of Pakistanis. By the time of Pakistan's first military regime (Ayub Khan, 1958), the Muhajirs had already begun to lose their influence in the ruling elite.[26][35] With the Baloch, Bengali and Sindhi nationalists distancing themselves from the state's narratives of nationhood, Ayub (who hailed from what is now the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province), slowly began to pull the Pakhtuns into the mainstream areas of the economy and politics. This caused the Muhajirs’ to agitate against the Ayub dictatorship from the early 1960s onwards.[36]
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (United National Movement, MQM) was founded in 1978 by Altaf Hussain (who went on, in 1984, to found the Muhajir Quami Movement) from the student organisation, the All Pakistan Muhajir Student Organization (APMSO). It is supported by the urban Muhajir community of Sindh. The MQM is socially liberal and democratic. In 1997, the MQM officially removed the term "Muhajir", which refers to Urdu-speaking Muslims and replaced it with "Muttahida" (United). Between 1992 and 1999, the Pakistan Army, in "Operation Cleanup", attempted to suppress the MQM. On 11 September 2001, the MQM condemned attacks by al-Qaida in the US with public demonstrations. Dr Farooq Staar MQM 2018
Following this unsuccessful raid, the operation drew swift reaction in the Pashtun-dominated areas of Karachi where scores of Pashtuns immediately started protesting the proposed relocation and police operation. Pashtun and Afghan gangs turned their ire on Muhajir residents of the nearby colonies. The Pashtun drug runners sensed a Muhajir hand behind the police action and blamed nearby Muhajir and Bihari residents of Qasba and Aligarh colonies to have tipped off the police about their illegal activities.
The dichotomy between the Muhajirs’ social and political dispositions was a result of the sense of insecurity that the community felt in a country where the majority of its inhabitants were ‘natives.’ Lacking the historical and cultural roots of native Pakistani ethnicities, the Mohajirs backed the state's project of constructing a homogenous national identity that repulsed ethnic sentiment.[35] The Mohajirs also echoed the views of the religious parties that eschewed pluralism and ethnic identities and propagated a holistic national unity based on the commonality of the Islamic faith followed by the majority of Pakistanis. By the time of Pakistan's first military regime (Ayub Khan, 1958), the Muhajirs had already begun to lose their influence in the ruling elite.[26][35] With the Baloch, Bengali and Sindhi nationalists distancing themselves from the state's narratives of nationhood, Ayub (a poor pathan tribal from what is now named Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province), slowly began to pull the impoverished Pakhtuns into the mainstream areas of the economy and politics. This caused the Muhajirs’ to agitate against the Ayub dictatorship from the early 1960s onwards.[36]
Many Urdu-speaking people had higher education and civil service experience from working for the British Raj and Muslim princely states. Out of the 101 Muslims in India's civil service, 95 chose to leave India. A third of those civil servants were Punjabis but there were many Muhajirs among them too.[23] From 1947 to 1958, Urdu-speaking Muhajirs held more jobs in the Government of Pakistan than their proportion in the country's population (3.3%). In 1951, of the 95 senior civil services jobs, 33 were held by Urdu-speaking people and 40 by Punjabis. The Muhajirs also had a strong hold over the economy, 36 of the 42 largest private companies belonged to Muhajirs, mainly those from the Indian state of Gujarat.[23]
The village is very sparse as there is only a few houses built and some farms. The village is known as the place where the Shrine of Imam Ahmad al-Muhajir or "Rubath al-Muhajir" () is located.
Christophe Jaffrelot says that, as per the 1951 census, Muhajirs in the generic sense constituted 6.3 million souls, or one-fifth of the total population of 33.7 million, but the towering majority were from East Punjab, India, who migrated into West Punjab, Pakistan, not constituting a different community because of obvious ethnic similarities, and in fact not using the "Muhajir" tag anymore ; the Muhajirs in the more accepted formal sense, that is diverse set of communities from Hindu-majority provinces which eventually adopted Urdu and formed a socio-linugistic group of its own, were numbered at around 1.2 million, 1.1 million being from Uttar Pradesh, Bombay Presidency, Delhi, Rajasthan and Gujarat who went to West Pakistan, while 100 000 Biharis went to East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.[42]
Imam al-Muhajir's grandson Alawi was the first Sayyid to be born in Hadhramaut, and the only one of Imam al-Muhajir's descendants to produce a continued line; the lineages of Imam al-Muhajir's other grandsons, Basri and Jadid, were cut off after several generations. Accordingly, Imam Al-Muhajir's descendants in Hadhramaut hold the name "B"ā "'Alawi" ("descendants of Alawi").
Ismail ibn Abd Allah ibn Abu al-Muhajir (or al-Muhajjar) was from a client tribe of the Quraysh and ostensibly a grandson of Abu al-Muhajir (a former governor of Ifriqiya).