Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant documents that can help answer the question.
Query: What started feminism?
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott met in 1840 while en route to London where they were shunned as women by the male leadership of the first World's Anti-Slavery Convention. In 1848, Mott and Stanton held a woman's rights convention in Seneca Falls, New York, where a declaration of independence for women was drafted. Lucy Stone helped to organize the first National Women's Rights Convention in 1850, a much larger event at which Sojourner Truth, Abby Kelley Foster, and others spoke sparked Susan B. Anthony to take up the cause of women's rights. In December 1851, Sojourner Truth contributed to the feminist movement when she spoke at the Women’s Convention in Akron, Ohio. She delivered her powerful “Ain’t I a Woman” speech in an effort to promote women’s rights by demonstrating their ability to accomplish tasks that have been traditionally associated with men.[81] Barbara Leigh Smith met with Mott in 1858,[82] strengthening the link between the transatlantic feminist movements.
"Difference feminism" focusses on empowering women in particular through specific designs, implementations, and evaluations of policies that account for the material and cultural differences between men and women and their significance. With regard to difference feminism, gender theory questions, again, what is meant by the term “women;” what factors might lead to “women” requiring specific designs, implementations, and evaluations of policies; what is considered to constitute “difference” in the material and cultural experience of “men” and “women;” and what aspects of that “difference” suppose its especial significance.
Postmodern feminism's major departure from other branches of feminism is perhaps the argument that sex, or at least gender, is itself constructed through language, a view notably propounded in Judith Butler's 1990 book, "Gender Trouble". She draws on and critiques the work of Simone de Beauvoir, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Lacan, as well as on Luce Irigaray's argument that what we conventionally regard as 'feminine' is only a reflection of what is constructed as masculine.
Cultural baggage associated with the words "feminist" and "feminism" has led to some disagreement about what to call "Native feminism". Kate Shanley, a Native feminist, believes that most Native women see “feminism" as solely a white women's movement, and therefore do not want to be associated with the word. She goes on to say that feminism as a concept, however, by whatever name, has a special meaning to Native women, including the idea of promoting the continuity of tradition, and consequently, pursuing the recognition of Tribal sovereignty. 
In the "Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements", Valentine Moghadam says that "women have worked together across borders since at least the mid-1800s. (55)" What is now called first wave feminism started in the early twentieth century in the West with a focus on women's suffrage. 
During World War II, the United States government gave women jobs because the war had caused a national shortage of labor. After the war ended, Irene Tinker says (oxford transnational), these jobs were taken away but women were no longer satisfied going back to their previous gender roles. Starting in the 1960s in the United States, second wave feminism emerged, defined by women's organization around "equal right to education, employment, and equal pay for equal work, and on sexual and reproductive rights." 
Fourth-wave feminism is a recent development within the feminist movement. Jennifer Baumgardner identifies fourth-wave feminism as starting in 2008 and continuing into the present day.[166] Kira Cochrane, author of All the Rebel Women: The Rise of the Fourth Wave of Feminism,[167] defines fourth-wave feminism as a movement that is connected through technology.[168][169] Researcher Diana Diamond defines fourth-wave feminism as a movement that "combines politics, psychology, and spirituality in an overarching vision of change." [170]
The "Who Needs Feminism?" campaign was conceived by sixteen Duke students as the final project for a class called "Women in the Public Sphere: History, Theory and Practice" taught by Dr. Rachel Seidman. The students wanted to address what they saw as misconceptions on Duke's campus about the feminist movement and its relevance in today's society. They also hoped to promote a dialogue on the topic within the Duke community, "hoping to address relevance of feminism to all different types of people," according to an interview done with GOOD worldwide. According to their website, the members wanted to "explain what feminism is by allowing everyone to create their own definition." They started by creating posters which they placed around campus, showing young men and women from a variety of backgrounds holding up whiteboards with the words "I need feminism because...", to show that there is no "typical feminist," with the title of the campaign imposed on the poster. Subjects were chosen to demonstrate the importance of feminism to individuals from different genders, races, sexual orientations and backgrounds, reflecting the students' beliefs that "'typical feminists' don't exist" and that feminism is important for everyone, not just women. In addition to designing and hanging the posters, the students also wrote an Op-Ed piece for "The Chronicle", Duke's student-run newspaper, explaining the project and their motivations. The students also relied on social media as "the most popular way to get the word out right now." The students created interactive Tumblr, Facebook, and Twitter accounts for the project. Although they expected the Facebook account to serve as the main social media outlet for promoting the project, the Tumblr account "really took off." One student suggested that the site encouraged discussion without the moderation that the Facebook page required. The "Who Needs Feminism?" team reported that the Facebook page received over 4,200 likes within 36 hours of the project's launch, while the Tumblr account was viewed by almost 13,000 people in over 2,000 different cities.
Baumgardner and Richards ask the fundamental but often overlooked questions, "who are the feminists?" and "what is feminism?" They cut to the foundational questions framing contemporary and past feminist movements in order to expose the stereotypes, inaccuracies, or misconceptions that derail and devalue the movement. This goal not only contributes to an established canon of third-wave feminist literature, but also makes the movement more appealing to young women who are misled by negative or stereotypical media and popular culture representations of feminism. They start with foundational definitions of what feminism means to them, invoking politically and socially conscious women and men. They clarify that there is no "one" formal alliance composed of "the feminists," but instead, feminism is a fluid alliance among individual citizens. This definition displays the differences between how a movement may appear on the surface—cohesive and homogeneous—and how it actually is internally. This disparity may be positive, and lend weight to feminist struggles, but it may also be negative, when the movement as a whole is judged based on the actions of one or a few individual(s). The authors argue that the latter disparity demonstrates the oppressed status of women and feminist activists, as a whole group is easily reduced to one or a few individuals, particularly in media, which disseminates this incomplete illusion.
The emergence of riot grrrl, the feminist punk subculture, in the early 1990s in Olympia, Washington, marked the beginning of third-wave feminism. The triple "r" in "grrrl" was intended to reclaim the word "girl" for women. Alison Piepmeier writes that riot grrrl and Sarah Dyer's "Action Girl Newsletter" formulated "a style, rhetoric, and iconography for grrrl zines" that came to define third-wave feminism, and that focused on the viewpoint of adolescent girls. Based on hard-core punk rock, the movement created zines and art, talked about rape, patriarchy, sexuality, and female empowerment, started chapters, and supported and organized women in music. An undated Bikini Kill tour flier asked "What is Riot grrrl?":
Global feminism is a feminist theory closely aligned with post-colonial theory and postcolonial feminism. It concerns itself primarily with the forward movement of women's rights on a global scale. Using different historical lenses from the legacy of colonialism, global feminists adopt global causes and start movements which seek to dismantle what they argue are the currently predominant structures of global patriarchy. Global feminism is also known as world feminism and international feminism.
A September 12th 2017 post to the Women Against Feminism blog titled “What is Feminism?” maps out the arguments of the blog's supporters. Community member and writer Jinna states “If Women Against Feminism were asked if they believe men and women should have equal human rights and equality before the law, the answer would be a resounding ‘Yes’”. The blog raises issue with the modern practice of feminism rather than the fundamental definition of feminism. It argues that as long as men and women are equal before the law, feminism is unnecessary, fosters misandry, and distracts from men’s rights issues.
Sherr has rejected calls for a "new feminism", remarking, "What's wrong with the old feminism?" She has criticized Sarah Palin for calling herself a feminist, demanding, "What, exactly, has she done legislatively for other women? What paths has she forged?"
Wendy McElroy and Christina Hoff Sommers define individualist feminism in opposition to what they call "political" or "gender feminism".
In January 2015, Burke gave an interview to an organization called the New Project. The group was formed to confront what it calls a "man crisis" in the Catholic Church. In the interview, Burke is sympathetic to the group's concerns that men are being driven from the pews because of the "feminization" of the Catholic Church. Burke criticized what he saw as the excessive role of "radical feminism" in the Church. He said that it has "assaulted the Church and society since the 1960s has left men very marginalized" and led the Church to deemphasize issues important to men, such as chivalry and sacrifice. In addition to decrying "radical feminism", he specifically criticized the introduction of female altar servers as an unwelcome sign of the "feminization" of the Church and a disincentive to boys to serve at the altar and start on the path to ordination. "The introduction of girl servers also led many boys to abandon altar service", Burke said. "Young boys don't want to do things with girls. It’s just natural. The girls were also very good at altar service. So many boys drifted away over time."
Chicana feminist Garcia (1989) has noted that awareness is only the start such awareness becomes the catalyst for change which is what Chicana feminism is about Chicana feminism is also about creating intersectionality.
Chicana lesbian feminism emerged from the Chicana feminism movement in the late 1970s and early 1980s. During this time, Chicana feminism began to form as a “social movement aimed to improve the position of Chicanas in American society.” 
Chicanas separated from the Chicano movement began drawing their own political agendas, and started to question their traditional female roles. Specifically, Chicana feminists (see also Chicana literature) started addressing the forces that affected them as women of color and fighting for social equality.
Within Tarrant’s "Men and Feminism", the first chapter titled “This Is What A Feminist Looks Like” introduces the issues of modern feminism, its growing inclusivity and relevance to male identified people (described from this point on as men). The chapter prefaces the book by defining feminism as “a movement for ending all forms of oppression, including gender based oppression” and explains the fundamental principles of the movement which include the necessity of confronting patriarchal, racist and binary thinking. While emphasizing how feminism applies to men (as the system of patriarchy also restricts men’s roles), it highlights how by accepting and working within the framework of feminism, men can use their own gender privilege to stand up and better the lives of those oppressed in our current societal system. Relying on quotes and anecdotes, the first chapter of "Men and Feminism" provides insight to a growing demographic of men who consider egalitarian views and social responsibility to be common sense in today’s world and persuades the reader to ponder “what men can offer feminism and what feminism can offer men”.
With the strong influence of Catholicism in Chile, some of the first feminist movements ironically came from socially conservative women. In 1912, upper class women began to advocate for working class women in a way that was favorable to conservative groups of the time. The first female organizations that came to be in Chile started around 1915, but unlike many other countries and their groups, these women were most likely to be in the upper middle class. As such, they were largely able to put together these groups where exploration of the interest in feminism came to be by shedding particular light on the issues that middle to upper-class feminists found to be the most important. One of the earliest examples of this in Chilean history occurred on June 17, 1915, when a young university student, and later a diplomat and suffragist, named Amanda Labarca decided to start a group called the "Círculo de Lectura", where she was able to promote Chilean culture towards women. With this, she was able to bring together positivity and change within the women in her community because she strived to ensure that all women could be given a chance to have their voices heard, through education, regardless of their affiliations and social status. Early feminism in Chile also took notes on the international feminist mobilizations, while catering to Chile's specific culture. For example, feminists such as Amanda Labarca promoted a domestic form of feminism which was sensitive to the socially and politically conservative governmental powers of the time. Generally speaking, this was what was seen as the beginning of first-wave feminism amongst Chilean women.
Another critique of postcolonial feminism is much the same as the critiques that postcolonial feminism has for Western feminism. Like Western feminism, postcolonial feminism and Third World feminism are also in danger of being ethnocentric, limited by only addressing what is going on in their own culture at the expense of other parts of the world. Colonialism also embodies many different meanings for people and has occurred across the world with different timelines. Chatterjee supports the argument that postcolonial perspective repels "Holistic perspectives of the grand narrative of enlightenment, industrial revolution, and rationality render 'other' histories and people invisible under hegemonic constructions of truth and normalcy." Generalizing colonialism can be extremely problematic as it translates into postcolonial feminism due to the contextual 'when, what, where, which, whose, and how' Suki Ali mentions in determining the postcolonial.
Atwood's work has been of interest to feminist literary critics, despite Atwood's unwillingness at times to apply the label "feminist" to her works. Starting with the publication of her first novel, "The Edible Woman", Atwood asserted, "I don't consider it feminism; I just consider it social realism." Despite her rejection of the label at times, critics have analyzed the sexual politics, use of myth and fairytale, and gendered relationships in her work through the lens of feminism. She later clarified her discomfort with the label "feminism" by stating, "I always want to know what people mean by that word [feminism]. Some people mean it quite negatively, other people mean it very positively, some people mean it in a broad sense, other people mean it in a more specific sense. Therefore, in order to answer the question, you have to ask the person what they mean." Speaking to "The Guardian", she said "For instance, some feminists have historically been against lipstick and letting transgender women into women’s washrooms. Those are not positions I have agreed with", a position she repeated to "The Irish Times".
Feminist writers of that period, such as Alva Myrdal and Viola Klein, started to allow for the possibility that women should be able to combine home with outside employment. 1950s’ form of feminism is often derogatorily termed “welfare feminism.” Indeed, many activists went to great length to stress that their position was that of ‘reasonable modern feminism,’ which accepted sexual diversity, and sought to establish what women’s social contribution was rather than emphasizing equality or the similarity of the sexes. Feminism in 1950s England was strongly connected to social responsibility and involved the well-being of society as a whole. This often came at the cost of the liberation and personal fulfillment of self-declared feminists. Even those women who regarded themselves as feminists strongly endorsed prevailing ideas about the primacy of children’s needs, as advocated, for example, by John Bowlby the head of the Children's Department at the Tavistock Clinic, who published extensively throughout the 1950s and by Donald Winnicott who promoted through radio broadcasts and in the press the idea of the home as a private emotional world in which mother and child are bound to each other and in which the mother has control and finds freedom to fulfill herself.
Additionally, although social media has helped raise awareness about feminism and women’s issues, "there's still the concern of creating an echo chamber", says Nona Willis-Aronowitz, author of "Girl Drive: Criss-crossing America, Redefining Feminism". Arnowitz states that there is incredible diversity among women and men about what exactly feminism means, making it harder to classify what does and does not constitute new networked feminism.
Cheryl Suzack and Shari M. Huhndorf argue in "Indigenous Women and Feminism: Politics, Activism and Culture" that: "Although Indigenous feminism is a nascent field of scholarly inquiry, it has arisen from histories of women's activism and culture that have aimed to combat gender discrimination, secure social justice for Indigenous women, and counter their social erasure and marginalization – endeavors that fall arguably under the rubric of feminism, despite Indigenous women's fraught relationship with the term and with mainstream feminist movements." It is important to note that the urgent issues to address Indigenous feminism cross the boundary between what is considered feminist and what is considered indigenous.
Chinese feminism differs from Western feminism in that Chinese feminism has no history of assuming that "man" and "woman" are natural categories. Rather, Chinese culture has always assumed that "man" and "woman" are socially constructed categories. What's more, most of the leaders in Chinese feminism movements are men not women, while in western countries, women are the main sponsors of movements for Woman's Rights.
Critics say the young women involved in this campaign do not appear to know what feminism is and are arguing against an imaginary foe using straw man arguments. A commentator from writes: "Most of the posts include some reiteration of the central misunderstanding about feminism, that a core belief of feminism involves hating men." A commentator from wrote, "being anti-feminism is like being pro-apartheid, or a big fan of social injustice, but no one would think it's cute to hold up a sign saying that."