Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant passages that can help answer the question.
Query: How many people died in the Hungarian Revolution?
The longest holdouts against the Soviet assault occurred in Csepel and in Dunaújváros, where fighting lasted until 11 November before the insurgents finally succumbed to the Soviets.[61] At the end of the fighting, Hungarian casualties totalled around 2,500 dead with an additional 20,000 wounded. Budapest bore the brunt of the bloodshed, with 1,569 civilians killed.[61] Approximately 53 percent of the dead were workers, and about half of all the casualties were people younger than thirty. On the Soviet side, 699 men were killed, 1,450 men were wounded, and 51 men were missing in action. Estimates place around 80 percent of all casualties occurring in fighting with the insurgents in the eighth and ninth districts of Budapest.[61][156][157]
From 1950 to 1952, the Security Police forcibly relocated thousands of people to obtain property and housing for the Working People's Party members, and to remove the threat of the intellectual and 'bourgeois' class. Thousands were arrested, tortured, tried, and imprisoned in concentration camps, deported to the east, or were executed, including ÁVH founder László Rajk.[14][16] In a single year, more than 26,000 people were forcibly relocated from Budapest. As a consequence, jobs and housing were very difficult to obtain. The deportees generally experienced terrible living conditions and were interned as slave labor on collective farms. Many died as a result of poor living conditions and malnutrition.[15]
On 30 October, armed protesters attacked the ÁVH detachment guarding the Budapest Hungarian Working People's Party headquarters on Köztársaság tér (Republic Square), incited by rumours of prisoners held there and the earlier shootings of demonstrators by the ÁVH in the city of Mosonmagyaróvár.[85][91][92] Over 20 ÁVH officers were killed, some of them lynched by the mob. Hungarian army tanks sent to rescue the party headquarters mistakenly bombarded the building.[92] The head of the Budapest party committee, Imre Mező, was wounded and later died.[93][94] Scenes from Republic Square were shown on Soviet newsreels a few hours later.[95] Revolutionary leaders in Hungary condemned the incident and appealed for calm, and the mob violence soon died down,[96] but images of the victims were nevertheless used as propaganda by various Communist organs.[94]
The Hungarian Revolution of 1848 (, "1848–49 Revolution and War") was one of the many European Revolutions of 1848 and closely linked to other revolutions of 1848 in the Habsburg areas. The revolution in the Kingdom of Hungary grew into a war for independence from the Austrian Empire, ruled by the Habsburg dynasty.
The Slovak Uprising was a reactionary movement to the Hungarian Revolution in the Western parts of Upper Hungary (now Western Slovakia). The Slovak nation and people had been poorly defined up to this point, as the Slovak people lacked a definitive border or national identity. However, in the years leading up to the revolution, the Hungarians had taken steps to Magyarize the Slovak region under Hungarian control. The aim of this was to bring the varied ethnic groups around Hungary into a common culture. At the outbreak of the Hungarian Revolution this process was seen as more imminent and threatening to ethnic groups, especially the Slovaks.
The Austro-Hungarian Strike of 1918 saw between 390,000 and 740,000 people go on strike. Worker councils forming in factories to coordinate the movement. During the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 many industries went under workers' control.
The similarities between the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 have led critics to believe that Shostakovich wrote the symphony in part as a response to the events of the Hungarian Revolution in Budapest. In both cases a peaceful uprising was put down with great force by the Russian government. Shostakovich himself speaks to the recurrence of events in Russian history in his testimony, stating that the Eleventh Symphony "deals with contemporary themes even though it's called '1905.'" His widow Irina has also said that he had the Hungarian Revolution "in mind" during composition. The symphony, which was finished in 1957, relayed themes of an oppressive government and its brutal policies towards revolts. The timing (being just one year after the Hungarian Revolution) strongly suggests that Shostakovich was speaking not only about events in his own country, but those events that his government was involved with. While the symphony incorporated enough revolutionary songs that it lay under the radar of the government, the underlying themes would have resonated fully with people at the time.
Fighting ceased between 28 October and 4 November, as many Hungarians believed that Soviet military units were withdrawing from Hungary.[71] According to post-revolution Communist sources, there were approximately 213 Hungarian Working People's Party members lynched or executed during this period.[72]
In the immediate aftermath, many thousands of Hungarians were arrested. Eventually, 26,000 of these were brought before the Hungarian courts, 22,000 were sentenced and imprisoned, 13,000 interned, and 229 executed. Approximately 200,000[163] fled Hungary as refugees.[164][165][166] Former Hungarian Foreign Minister Géza Jeszenszky estimated 350 were executed.[129] Sporadic resistance and strikes by workers' councils continued until mid-1957, causing economic disruption.[167] By 1963, most political prisoners from the 1956 Hungarian revolution had been released.[168]
As the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy collapsed in 1918, an independent Hungarian People's Republic was formed after the Aster Revolution. The official proclamation of the republic was on 16 November 1918 and its president became Mihály Károlyi. Károlyi struggled to establish the government's authority and to control the country.An initial nucleus of a Hungarian communist party had been organized in a Moscow hotel on 4 November 1918, when a group of Hungarian prisoners of war and other communist proponents formed a Central Committee. Led by Béla Kun, the first members returned to Hungary, and on 24 November created the Party of Communists from Hungary (Hungarian: Kommunisták Magyarországi Pártja). The name was chosen instead of "The Hungarian Communist Party" because the vast majority of supporters were from the urban industrial working class in Hungary which at the time was largely made up of people from non-Hungarian ethnic backgrounds, with ethnic Hungarians only a minority in the new party itself. The party recruited members while propagating its ideas, radicalising many members of the Social Democratic Party of Hungary in the process. By February 1919, the party numbered 30,000 to 40,000 members, including many unemployed ex-soldiers, young intellectuals and ethnic minorities.
In 1848 and 1849, the Hungarian people or Magyars, who wanted independence, formed a majority only in the central areas of the country. The Hungarians were surrounded by other nationalities.
After the defeat of Jelačić, the people of Vienna revolted on 6October, forcing the emperor to flee to Olmütz. The Hungarian troops led by János Móga, who had defeated Jelačić at Pákozd, advanced to the Hungarian-Austrian border, and many people thought that it should come in aid of the revolutionaries from the imperial capital, which was at that time surrounded only by the troops of Jelačić, but the officers from the Hungarian army, many of whom were foreign and unsure what to do, said that they would agree this only if the people of Vienna asked them to do it. But although the Viennese revolutionaries thought about this, they were reluctant to officially ask for Hungarian aid. In the meantime, the Austrian commander Windisch-Grätz crushed the revolution from Prague, then came with the imperial army to Vienna to crush the revolution there, bringing the overwhelming superiority of the imperial army (80,000 Austrian soldiers against 27,000 Hungarians). Kossuth, waiting in vain for the Hungarian troops to cross the Austrian border, decided to personally go there to convince them. In the war council the old commanders, led by Móga, declared that an assault on the Austrian border would bring with it a Hungarian defeat, pointing at the superiority of the enemy. Kossuth argued, "Our cause is linked with Viennaseparated from it, nobody will give us any importance." He also said that the conscription period of the national guards from the Hungarian army would be over soon, and if they did not engage the Austrians, they would go home without any fighting. He also said that if only one of the Hungarian commanders would say that he would attack, showing a plan by which success could be achieved, he would give the leadership to that person. At that moment Görgei stood up and said, "We have no other choice than to advance, because if we do not advance, we will lose more than losing three battles." Hearing that Kossuth wanted to give him the main command, Görgei refused. So in the end Móga remained the main commander until the end of the battle. In the Battle of Schwechat the troops of Windisch-Grätz and Jelačić routed the Hungarian army, which was composed mainly of inexperienced national guards and peasants. Görgei led the advance guard, and achieved some success, but the lack of experience of the soldiers and the commanders made all his actions useless, and the panic of the volunteers who started to flee sealed the fate of the battle.
Although the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 failed in its efforts to oust the ruling Communist government of Hungary, the uprising provided inspiration for many artists, writers, poets, composers and filmmakers.
Joseph Stalin's death in 1953 and further conflicts among Hungarian and Russian people led to Russia installing Imre Nagy, whose leadership led to a debilitating economy and government instability. Ligeti wrote his "Chromatische Phantasie" in 1956 in Budapest, shortly before going into exile in Vienna due to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Even though he started other projects, such as his "Chromatische Variationen", "Requiem" (not the one completed in 1964) and many other unfinished works, this was one of the last works he composed in Hungarian soil.
Hungarian village is contained within the original boundaries of the Merion estate, established by Nathaniel Merion in 1809. This area is part of the Refugee Tract, where Congress compensated Refugee Soldiers, or Loyalists, for their service in the American Revolutionary War. Throughout history this area was settled and populated–first by Early British and Nova Scotian settlers and later by many German, Italian, and Irish immigrants–during the Building Boom of the early 1900s when the area became known as ‘Steelton’. In 1913 the Hungarian Reformed Church was established and later rebuilt in 1923. Located at the intersection of East Woodrow Avenue and South Washington Avenue the church lies on the far south border of the community. One corner stone on the face of the Hungarian Reformed church is inscribed with “United Magyar Protestant Church June 26, 1921”. This simple inscription links the church and its early Hungarian immigrant congregation to the Magyars of Hungary. In 1922 there were an estimated 1,200 Magyars living in Columbus. It is of no surprise that many Hungarian refugees came to the area during the failed 1956 Hungarian Revolution, while many others would settle in Cleveland, New Jersey, and New York. In 1973 it was Reverend Zoltan Szabo that proposed the idea of defining the community as Hungarian Village, looking at the revitalization in nearby German Village as a model for a successful community. Twenty-five years after the Hungarian Revolution a plaque was erected, recognizing the Hungarians who died for human rights and freedom. This memorial stands outside of the Hungarian Reformed Church which still houses the Hungarian Village Society today. 
In 1991, Hungarian President Árpád Göncz visited the village on a seven-day U.S. trip, stopping at the Hungarian Reformed Church.
During the uprising, the Radio Free Europe (RFE) Hungarian-language programs broadcast news of the political and military situation, as well as appealing to Hungarians to fight the Soviet forces, including tactical advice on resistance methods. After the Soviet suppression of the revolution, RFE was criticised for having misled the Hungarian people that NATO or United Nations would intervene if citizens continued to resist.[131] Allen Dulles lied to Eisenhower that RFE had not promised US aid; Eisenhower believed him, as the transcripts of the broadcasts were kept secret.[124]
On 23 October, the honest socialist Hungarians demonstrated against mistakes made by the Rákosi and Gerő governments. Fascist, Hitlerite, reactionary, counter-revolutionary hooligans financed by the imperialist West took advantage of the unrest to stage a counter-revolution. The honest Hungarian people under Nagy appealed to Soviet (Warsaw Pact) forces stationed in Hungary to assist in restoring order. The Nagy government was ineffective, allowing itself to be penetrated by counter-revolutionary influences, weakening then disintegrating, as proven by Nagy's culminating denouncement of the Warsaw Pact. Hungarian patriots under Kádár broke with the Nagy government and formed a government of honest Hungarian revolutionary workers and peasants; this genuinely popular government petitioned the Soviet command to help put down the counter-revolution. Hungarian patriots, with Soviet assistance, smashed the counter-revolution.
The Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (, MSzMP) was the ruling Marxist–Leninist party of the Hungarian People's Republic between 1956 and 1989. It was organised from elements of the Hungarian Working People's Party during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, with János Kádár as general secretary. The party also controlled its armed forces, the Hungarian People's Army.
The multi-national Habsburg Empire was composed of many ethnic groups seeking independence. This threatened the existence of the empire. The most dangerous revolutions were the Revolutions in Italy and the Hungarian Revolution. The Empire didn’t have enough military power to overcome both of them. Their policy was to fight against the Italians and – to gain some time – to accept the Hungarian demands. This policy was effective: until the middle of summer the Empire stopped all other revolutionary attempts. Furthermore, Joseph Radetzky won the battle against Charles Albert at Custoza on 25 July 1848. The Habsburg Empire could then concentrate on the Hungarians.
Pozsgay was born in Kóny on 26 November 1933 as the son of tailor Imre Pozsgay, Sr. (died 1938) and housewife Rozália Lénárt. After finishing elementary and secondary studies in Enying and Fertőd, respectively, he joined the Hungarian Working People's Party (MDP) in 1950 which had established a Communist one-party system by then. In 1951, he became head of the Balatonbozsok (today part of Enying) party branch. Following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, Pozsgay became a member of the reorganized state party, the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP). After that he graduated with an English degree from the Lenin Institute in Budapest, which belonged to the Eötvös Loránd University. During that time he published an article for "Petőfi Népe" on 15 December 1957 about the 1956 uprising under the title ""Revolution or Counter-revolution?"". Therein he called the 1956 events as a "pure counter-revolution", which tried to restore the "capitalist conditions and the bourgeois rule". Imre Nagy was characterized by Pozsgay as an "unprincipled" person who became Prime Minister "in the days of the raging White Terror".
The first newspaper in the town was also published during the 1848/49 revolution—it was called "Honunk állapota" ("State of Our Homeland") and was published in Hungarian by Károly Bitterman's local printing company. Unlike most Serbs and Croats who confronted with Hungarians, part of the local Bunjevci people supported Hungarian revolution.
The Forty-Eighters were Europeans who participated in or supported the revolutions of 1848 that swept Europe. In the German states, the Forty-Eighters favored unification of the German people, a more democratic government, and guarantees of human rights. Disappointed at the failure of the revolution to bring about the reform of the system of government in Germany or the Austrian Empire and sometimes on the government's wanted list because of their involvement in the revolution, they gave up their old lives to try again abroad. Many emigrated to the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia after the revolutions failed. These emigrants included Germans, Czechs, Hungarians, and others. Many were respected and politically active, wealthy, and well-educated. A large number went on to be very successful in their new countries.
The Aster Revolution or Chrysanthemum Revolution () was a revolution in Hungary led by Count Mihály Károlyi in the aftermath of World War I which led to the foundation of the short-lived First Hungarian People's Republic.
During the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 there were no battles in Zsámbok, but bevies went through the village. After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise it was hard to make a living in Zsámbok: there were no facilities to work. The settlement didn't develop during this time. The First World War made the conditions worse: many people became soldiers, which led the population to decrease: 68 people died, and many other got lost. Zsámbok's traditions were also in danger.
Between the two World Wars a new school, pharmacy, kindergarten were built, and a lot of new roads went through the village.
During the Second World War many people died and a lot of monuments and buildings were destroyed, including the Schell castle.
The third castle was literally taken apart after Zsámbok had become released. The village started in improve: for example, the school was rebuilt.
In 1953, the World Peace Council held a ceremony in Zsámbok, due to its beautiful costumes.
Although there is no accurate account of how many Indonesians died, they died in far greater numbers than the Europeans. Estimates of Indonesian deaths in fighting range from 45,000 to 100,000 and civilian dead exceeded 25,000 and may have been as high as 100,000. A total of 1,200 British soldiers were killed or went missing in Java and Sumatra in 1945 and 1946, most of them Indian soldiers. More than 5,000 Dutch soldiers lost their lives in Indonesia between 1945 and 1949. Many Japanese died; in Bandung alone, 1,057 died, only half of whom died in actual combat, the rest killed in rampages by Indonesians. Seven million people were displaced on Java and Sumatra.