Instruct: Given a question, retrieve passages that answer the question.
Query: Does Prime Minister have more power than President?
The prime minister and cabinet exercise most executive functions. The head of government is the prime minister, who, together with the cabinet, takes care of the executive part of government. The cabinet is appointed by the president after general elections to Althing; however, this process is usually conducted by the leaders of the political parties, who decide among themselves after discussions which parties can form the cabinet and how its seats are to be distributed (under the condition that it has a majority support in Althing). Only when the party leaders are unable to reach a conclusion by themselves in reasonable time does the president exercise this power and appoint the cabinet themselves. This has never happened since the republic was founded in 1944, but in 1942 the regent of the country (Sveinn Björnsson, who had been installed in that position by the Althing in 1941) did appoint a non-parliamentary government. The regent had, for all practical purposes, the position of a president, and Sveinn in fact became the country's first president in 1944. The governments of Iceland have almost always been coalitions with two or more parties involved, because no single political party has received a majority of seats in the Althing during Iceland's republican period. The extent of the political powers possessed by the office of the president are disputed by legal scholars in Iceland; several provisions of the constitution appear to give the president some important powers but other provisions and traditions suggest differently.
Imposing more stringent criteria for the President than for the Prime Minister appears unreasonable, considering how the Prime Minister's governing powers are far more substantial than that of the President. Among other things, candidates have to be above 45 years of age and must either presently hold or in the past have held high public office or directorships in private sector companies with paid-up capitals of at least S$100 million. It has been estimated that "only just over 400 people have the necessary financial or administrative experience to qualify as spelt out in the constitution". These onerous qualifying criteria have greatly reduced the pool of candidates, and have been criticized as "technocratic rather than democratic".
The classic view of Cabinet Government was laid out by Walter Bagehot in "The English Constitution" (1867) in which he described the prime minister as the "primus‐inter‐pares" ("first among equals"). The view was questioned by Richard Crossman in "The Myths of Cabinet Government" (1972) and by Tony Benn. They were both members of the Labour governments of the 1960s and thought that the position of the Prime Minister had acquired more power so that Prime Ministerial Government was a more apt description. Crossman stated that the increase the power of the prime minister resulted from power of centralised political parties, the development of a unified civil service, and the growth of the Prime Minister's private office and Cabinet secretariat. Graham Allen (a Government Whip during Tony Blair's first government) makes the case in "The Last Prime Minister: Being Honest About the UK Presidency" (2003) that in fact the office of prime minister has presidential powers, as did Michael Foley in "The British Presidency" (2000). However the power that a prime minister has over his or her cabinet colleagues is directly proportional to the amount of support that they have with their political parties and this is often related to whether the party considers them to be an electoral asset or liability. Also when a party is divided into factions a Prime Minister may be forced to include other powerful party members in the Cabinet for party political cohesion. The Prime Minister's personal power is also curtailed if their party is in a power-sharing arrangement, or a formal coalition with another party (as happened in the coalition government of 2010 to 2015).
Unlike analogous offices in some other nations, such as a vice-presidency, the Deputy Prime Minister possesses no special constitutional powers under the Constitution of Northern Cyprus as such, though they will always have particular responsibilities in government. They do not assume the duties and powers of the Prime Minister in the latter's absence, illness, or death. The Deputy Prime Minister does not automatically succeed the Prime Minister when the latter is incapacitated, or resigns from the leadership of his or her party. The designation of someone to the role of Deputy Prime Minister may provide additional practical status within the cabinet, enabling exercise of "de facto", if not "de jure", power.
The Deputy Prime Minister of Spain, Vice President of the Government or First Deputy Prime Minister (when there is more than one deputy prime minister) is the second highest position in the Government of Spain. Between 1840 and 1934 the title was "Vice President of the Council of Ministers". Since its creation, there have been twenty-one deputy prime ministers.
The State Duma confirms the appointment of the prime minister, although it does not have the power to confirm Government ministers. The power to confirm or reject the prime minister is severely limited. According to the 1993 constitution, the State Duma must decide within one week to confirm or reject a candidate once the president has placed that person's name in nomination. If it rejects three candidates, the president is empowered to appoint a prime minister, dissolve the parliament, and schedule new legislative elections.
Cabinet of Ministers is composed of Prime-minister, his/her deputies, ministers and heads of other central bodies of executive power. Cabinet resigns on a day when newly elected President takes his/her rights and begins carrying out his/her powers. As a rule Prime-minister takes chair at the meetings of the Cabinet. 
Prime-minister is appointed by the President with consent of Milli Majlis (Parliament). Proposed candidate for the post of Prime-minister is submitted for consideration to Milli Majlis by the President not later than one month from the day when the President begins carrying out his/her powers, or not later than two weeks from the day of resignation of Cabinet. Milli Majlis adopts a resolution concerning the candidate to the post of Prime-minister not later than within one week from the day when such candidature has been proposed. Should said procedure be violated, or candidatures proposed by the President for the post of Prime-minister be rejected three times, then the President may appoint Prime-minister without consent of Milli Majlis.
Under the constitution of Iraq, the first meeting of the Assembly should have taken place by March 12, 2006, one month after certification of the election. The Assembly should have elected the Speaker in its first session, the President no more than fifteen days later, the Prime Minister no more than fifteen days after the President, and the Cabinet no more than thirty days after the Prime Minister.
Unlike analogous offices in some other nations, such as the Vice President of the United States or the Deputy Prime Minister of Ireland (or Tánaiste), the British deputy prime minister possesses no special constitutional powers as such, though he or she will always have particular responsibilities in government. The DPM does not assume the duties and powers of the Prime Minister in the latter's absence, illness, or death, such as the powers to seek a dissolution of Parliament, appoint peers or brief the sovereign.
On the other hand, while the Prime Minister does not have to ask for vote of confidence after cabinet's formation and they can depend their legitimacy on the President's assignment as Prime Minister and approval of the cabinet, because the National Assembly does have the power to force the resignation of the cabinet by motion of no confidence, the choice of Prime Minister must reflect the will of the majority in the Assembly. For example, right after the legislative election of 1986, President François Mitterrand had to appoint Jacques Chirac Prime Minister although Chirac was a member of the RPR (Rally for the Republic) and therefore a political opponent of Mitterrand. Despite the fact that Mitterrand's own Socialist Party was the largest party in the Assembly, it did not have an absolute majority. The RPR had an alliance with the UDF, which gave them a majority. Such a situation, where the President is forced to work with a Prime Minister who is an opponent, is called a cohabitation.
Ministers of the Crown, and especially Cabinet ministers, are selected primarily from the elected members of House of Commons, and from the House of Lords, by the Prime Minister. Cabinet ministers are usually heads of government departments, mostly with the office of "Secretary of State for ["function; e.g., Defence"]". However some cabinet ministers can be ministers without portfolio, either directly as such or (more commonly) by holding sinecure posts such as Lord Privy Seal, or otherwise empty titles such as First Secretary of State. Certain other cabinet ministers are in a somewhat hybrid position, where they have a portfolio, but do not head a government department; the Lord President of the Council being such an example, where that office has accreted a collection of responsibilities over time, but which does not have a Lord President's Department attached to it. Whilst generally the most powerful and/or prestigious members of the Cabinet head critical ministries such as the Foreign Office, ministers without portfolio can also be important components, for example Michael Heseltine as Deputy Prime Minister in the Second Major ministry. By far the most powerful Cabinet Minister, the Prime Minister, heads no department, though the Prime Minister's Office co-ordinates their oversight of the whole government.
Jalal Talabani, current President of Iraq, said prior to the election that he would not seek re-election as President, because it has few powers compared to the Prime Minister. "I'm not ready to be a puppet president of this country", he said. "The president must be partner with the prime minister in ruling Iraq on all levels, foreign affairs, internal everything". However, this has been seen as an indication that he wanted the post to have more powers, rather than him not wanting the post.
Chaudhry was largely a figurehead, and was the first Pakistani President with less power than the Prime Minister. This was due to the new constitution of 1973 that gave power to the Prime Minister; previously, the President had been the chief leader of Pakistan and had the power to appoint Prime Minister.
Since 1962, French presidents have been elected by popular vote, replacing the electoral college, which was only used once. This change was intended to give Fifth Republic presidents more power than they might have had under the original constitution. While still seen as the symbol and embodiment of the nation, the president also was given a popular mandate. Of course, the majority party of the National Assembly retained power as well, but since the popularly elected president appointed the prime minister, the former was seen as having the upper hand in any conflict between executive and legislature. Furthermore, the imbalance is further illustrated by the fact that the president can dissolve the Assembly at any time (but not more than once in a year), whereas the legislature has no powers of removal against the president.
Lebanon operates under a strong semi-presidential system. This system is unique in that it grants the president wide unilateral discretion, does not make him accountable to Parliament (unless for treason), yet is elected by the Parliament. The President has the sole power to appoint the Prime Minister, and may dismiss him whenever he wishes (without input from the Chamber of Deputies, which can also force him to resign). In addition, he has the sole authority to form a government (which must then receive a vote-of-confidence from Parliament) and dismiss it when he wishes. This thus makes Lebanon a president-parliamentary system rather than a premier-presidential system (such as France), as the President does not have to cohabitate with a Prime Minister he dislikes.
The historical reason for the broad powers of the President are that his powers were merged with those of the French High Commissioner of Greater Lebanon, thus creating an exceptionally powerful presidency for semi-presidential systems.
Before the 1980s cabinets tended to be short-lived: the President was the most important political figure and he had the right to form a new cabinet whenever he wanted. From the 1980s onwards cabinets have tended to serve full terms (although the Prime Minister may have changed midterm in a few cases, most of the other cabinet has remained nearly unchanged) and the Prime Minister has become more powerful a figure than the President. Under the current constitution, the Prime Minister is chosen by the Parliament and only appointed by the President.
Among the many types of republic, the Kemalist republic is a representative democracy with a Parliament chosen in general elections, a President as head of state elected by Parliament and serving for a limited term, a Prime Minister appointed by the President, and other Ministers appointed by Parliament. The Kemalist President does not have direct executive powers, but has limited veto powers, and the right to contest with referendum. The day-to-day operation of government is the responsibility of the Council of Ministers formed by the Prime Minister and the other Ministers. There is a separation of powers between the executive (President and Council of Ministers), the legislative (Parliament) and the judiciary, in which no one branch of government has authority over another–although parliament is charged with the supervision of the Council of Ministers, which can be compelled to resign by a vote of no-confidence.
The presidential office in the Third and Fourth republic was largely ceremonial, with most executive power vested in the "president of the Council of ministers" (short: "president of the Council" or "président du conseil"), a more powerful analogue to the present-day Prime minister. Charles de Gaulle, who largely designed the constitution of the Fifth Republic, wanted a more powerful presidential office. The proposed change would have the president elected by the two-round system of voting; This direct election by more than half of the non-blank ballots directly cast by the citizenship would give the office much more legitimacy and status than indirect election by the presidential college, thus greater influence even with unchanged constitutional powers.
Perhaps the president's greatest power is his or her ability to choose the prime minister. However, the President must nominate the prime minister from among the parliamentary majority after consultation with the parliamentary majority, if an obvious majority exists, and if it does not exist, must nominate a prime minister who has a once renewable 30 day exploratory mandate to form a coalition. The prime minister and cabinet must present their plan of action to the National Assembly, which must approve the government and the plan of action by an absolute majority. Only the National Assembly has the power to dismiss the Prime Minister's government.
Under the 1976 constitution, the President is the nominal source of executive power. Like the British Sovereign (and heads of state in other Westminster systems), he or she "reigns but does not rule". In practice, executive authority is exercised by the Prime Minister and his or her cabinet, on behalf of the President. The President appoints as Prime Minister the leader of the largest party in the House of Representatives, and also appoints members of the Senate on the recommendation of the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition. The President must be at least 35 years old (although no President has been younger than 59), a citizen of Trinidad and Tobago, and at the time of nomination must have been resident in the country for an unbroken period of ten years. 
At the national level, executive power in Spain is exercised only by "the Government". (The King is the head of state, but the constitution does not attribute to him any executive faculties). The Government is composed by a prime minister, known as the "president of the Government" (), one or more deputy prime ministers, known as "vice-presidents of the Government" () and all other ministers. The collegiate body composed by the prime minister, the deputy prime ministers, and all other ministers is called the Council of Ministers. The Government is in charge of both domestic and foreign policy, as well as defense and economic policies. As of 2 June 2018, the prime minister of Spain is Pedro Sánchez.
The Government of Ukraine is based on a semi presidential system. The president of Ukraine is the head of state while the prime minister is the head of government with the current prime minister being Volodymyr Groysman. Ukraine is somewhat unusual in that while many countries use a similar system typically the role of one leader is relegated to being ceremonial, in Ukraine however both the prime minister and the president have great power and responsibility assigned to their roles. Because the president of Ukraine must approve the appointment of the prime minister the post of president is generally thought of as the more powerful role.[24]
The Presidency was established in 1990 and the President would, according to the altered constitution, be elected by the Soviet people by direct and secret ballot. However, the first and only Soviet President, Mikhail Gorbachev, was elected by the democratically elected Congress of People's Deputies. In connection with the dissolution of the Soviet Union national elections for the office of President never took place. To be elected to the office a person must have been a Soviet citizen and older than thirty-five but younger than sixty-five years. The same person could not be elected president for more than two terms. The Presidency was the highest state office, and was the most important office in the Soviet Union by influence and recognition, eclipsing that of Premier and General Secretary. With the establishment of the Presidency executive power was shared between the President and the Prime Minister. The Presidency was given broad powers, such as being responsible for negotiating the membership of the Cabinet of Ministers with the Supreme Soviet; the Prime Minister, however, was responsible for managing the nomenklatura and economic matters.
The parliament chooses the prime minister and cabinet, and only the parliament may remove them from office with a "vote of no confidence". The president does not have the power to dismiss or appoint the prime minister or the cabinet which are chosen by the parliament and the president does not have the power to directly dismiss the assembly.
As of January 2017, the global participation rate of women in national-level parliaments is 23.3 percent. At the executive levels of government, women become prime ministers more often than they become presidents. Part of the differences in these roads to power are that prime ministers are elected by political party members themselves while presidents are elected by the public. In 2013, women accounted for 8 percent of all national leaders and 2 percent of all presidential posts. Furthermrore, 75 percent of all female prime ministers and presidents have taken office in the past two decades. Individual female executives usually come from the most elite backgrounds, as is evidenced by their high levels of education and close relationships with politically prominent or upper class families. The general status of women in a country does not predict if a woman will reach an executive position since, paradoxically, female executives have routinely ascended in power in countries where women's social standing lags behind men's. A number of countries are exploring measures that may increase women's participation in government at all levels, from the local to the national. However more and more women are pursuing leadership positions in the present day.