Instruct: Given a question, retrieve documents that answer the question.
Query: How long did the Mexican Revolution last?
The Mexican Revolution (Spanish: Revolución mexicana), also known as the Mexican Civil War (Spanish: guerra civil mexicana), was a major armed struggle, lasting roughly from 1910 to 1920, that radically transformed Mexican culture and government. Although recent research has focused on local and regional aspects of the Revolution, it was a genuinely national revolution.[4] Its outbreak in 1910 resulted from the failure of the 35-year-long regime of Porfirio Díaz to find a managed solution to the presidential succession. This meant there was a political crisis among competing elites and the opportunity for agrarian insurrection.[5] Wealthy landowner Francisco I. Madero challenged Díaz in the 1910 presidential election, and following the rigged results, revolted under the Plan of San Luis Potosí.[6] Armed conflict ousted Díaz from power; a new election was held in 1911, bringing Madero to the presidency.
Mexico has a long tradition of government control and cooptation of unions and their leaders. Following the Mexican Revolution, the coalition of generals leading the nation under the auspices of the "jefe máximo" Plutarco Elías Calles that eventually became the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) sought to keep the often fractious labor movement under control, and did so by repressing leaders and movements outside the dominant party. Following the "social revolution" of the Cárdenas years, the government sought to centralize power in the federal government, replacing local union bosses, who had earned the nickname "pistoleros" ("gunmen") through their strongarm policies, with college-educated professionals.
The uprising took place within a general uprising against the Dictatorship but it soon distanced itself from the bourgeois democratic revolution of Madero, seeking rather to abolish property and create an anarchist worker's commune. However, though several cities were held for around half a year, the attempted revolution of magonista rebels turned out quite unsuccessfully, "with the insurgents crippled by dissensions between Americans, Mexicans and Indians, and with opportunism and lack of political principle rife among some of its leading actors." Compared to the agrarian revolution in Morelos, the Baja California revolt did not achieve much, but the PLM's influence on the outburst of revolution and its position as a revolutionary vanguard cannot be overlooked. Thus, while the material realization of the PLM program did not attain any lasting results, the ideas for which the revolt in Baja California were fought for remained a powerful element in the social transformation of the Revolution. Opponents of the PLM tried to paint their movement as being controlled by American interests, which was probably not the case, but the accusation was effective at reducing their support.
Not long after the Mexican reinforcements arrived, Houston ordered Smith to destroy Vince's Bridge, 5 miles (8.0km) away, to slow down any further Mexican reinforcements.[250] At 4 p.m. the Texians began creeping quietly through the tall grass, pulling the cannon behind them.[251] The Texian cannon fired at 4:30, beginning the battle of San Jacinto.[252] After a single volley, Texians broke ranks and swarmed over the Mexican breastworks to engage in hand-to-hand combat. Mexican soldiers were taken completely by surprise. Santa Anna, Castrillón, and Almonte yelled often conflicting orders, attempting to organize their men into some form of defense.[253] Within 18 minutes, Mexican soldiers abandoned their campsite and fled for their lives.[254] The killing lasted for hours.[255]
Howe did not remain in Massachusetts for long after graduating. In 1824, shortly after Howe was certified to practice medicine, he became fired by enthusiasm for the Greek Revolution and the example of his idol Lord Byron. Howe fled the memory of an unhappy love affair and sailed for Greece, where he joined the Greek army as a surgeon.
The Porfiriato Room is concerned with the thirty-year-long presidency of Porfirio Diaz. Diaz's regime was primarily concerned with the modernization of the economy and resulted in the concentration of power and wealth among the Mexican elite. The room serves as a context to understand why the Mexican Revolution happened. The Mexican Revolution Room traces the progress of the civil struggle for power from its beginnings in 1910 to its end in 1916 and how foreign influences affected the conflict. There are also artifacts related to U.S. invasion during this event from 1914 to 1916.
Although not as visible as the two other main factions in the Mexican Revolution because of their lack of a highly charismatic leader like Emiliano Zapata or Pancho Villa, there was a third group vying for power during the fighting in Mexico, and they played a critical role mainly because in the end, they won. This faction was known as the Constitutionalists, and consisted of predominately of liberal intellectuals and middle-class citizens – in other words, Mexicans who were not of purely indigenous backgrounds but also not of the elite class, and who therefore did not benefit all that much from the foreign investment boom of the Díaz reign. The Constitutionalists differed from the Zapatistas and Villa's men, who were fighting for a mostly singular cause. They did call for ejidos (or common lands) to be returned to villages and for large estates to be divided up, although not to the extent that Zapata wanted, as this was his primary goal in the Revolution. They also demanded a nationalization of all Mexican land and resources under foreign control, which is something all Mexicans wanted. However, these liberals also realized that the Mexican prosperity of the Diaz period had sacrificed many rights of the Mexican citizen, and also left law and order in the hands of a dictator who could bend it at his will. They sought to end Mexico's struggle with a constitution that had only Mexico's Hacienda owners interests at heart.
With the departure of Huerta in July 1914, the revolutionary factions agreed to meet and make “a last ditch effort to avert more intense warfare than that which unseated Huerta.”[104] Called to meet in Mexico City in October 1914, revolutionaries opposed to Carranza's influence successfully moved the venue to Aguascalientes. The Convention of Aguascalientes did not, in fact, reconcile the various victorious factions in the Mexican Revolution, but was a brief pause in revolutionary violence. The break between Carranza and Villa became definitive during the Convention.
"Revolutions" has aired since September 2013. The podcast covers modern political revolutions, beginning with the English Revolution. Each series follow a mostly chronological approach with one or two episodes at the beginning dedicated to the pre-history of the revolution and its causes, sometimes highlighting when and how the revolution could have been avoided. So far, the series has covered the English Civil War, the American Revolution, the French Revolution, the Haitian Revolution, Simon Bolivar and Gran Colombia, the July Revolution, the Revolutions of 1848, the Paris Commune and the Mexican Revolution.
During Mexican Revolution and the years after, a notion of “Mexicanness” ("mexicanidad") was an important one politically and legally. Prior to the 1917 Constitution, people in Mexico were classed by race: white European, mestizo (mixed European and indigenous), indigenous and, to some extent African was acknowledged. This was a carryover from the colonial era caste system, which did not include Asians. After the Revolution, the mestizo was adopted as a kind of ideal or “cosmic” Mexican race. All foreigners were reminded of their outsider status by Revolution leaders and became targets of movements to end foreign influence in the country. This was an open expression of the resentment that built up in Mexico during the Porfirio Díaz years. During the Revolution, many Europeans and Americans in the country left. However, since the Chinese were still barred from the United States, their numbers actually increased.
By far, the three most influential muralists from the 20th century are Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco, and David Siqueiros, called “los tres grandes” (the three great ones). All believed that art was the highest form of human expression and a key force in social revolution. Their work defined the movement taking over from Vasconcelos. It created a mythology around the Mexican Revolution and the Mexican people which is still influential to this day, as well as promote Marxist ideals. At the time the works were painted, they also served as a form of catharsis over what the country had endured during the war. However, the three were different in their artistic expression. Rivera’s works were utopian and idealist, Orozco’s were critical and pessimistic and the most radical were those of Siqueiros, heavily focused on a scientific future. The differences among the three have much to do with how each experienced the Mexican Revolution. Rivera was in Europe the entire time and did not fight. He never depicted the horrors of the war but what he perceived to be the social benefits from it. The other two did and both did express the horrors of war in their work. There was resentment to Rivera by the other two because of it, especially from Siqueiros.
Baldwin, Deborah J. Protestants and the Mexican Revolution: Missionaries, Ministers, and Social Change. Urbana: University of Illinois Press 1990. Beezley, William H. Insurgent Governor: Abraham González and the Mexican Revolution in Chihuahua. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1973. Brunk, Samuel. Emiliano Zapata: Revolution and Betrayal in Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1995. Buchenau, Jürgen, Plutarco Elías Calles and the Mexican Revolution. Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefied 2007. Buchenau, Jürgen. The Last Caudillo: Alvaro Obregón and the Mexican Revolution. Malden MA: Wiley-Blackwell 2011. Cockcroft, James D. Intellectual Precursors of the Mexican Revolution. Austin: University of Texas Press 1968. Fisher, Lillian Estelle. "The Influence of the Present Mexican Revolution upon the Status of Mexican Women," Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Feb. 1942), pp.211–228. Garner, Paul. Porfirio Díaz. New York: Pearson 2001. Guzmán, Martín Luis. Memoirs of Pancho Villa. Translated by Virginia H. Taylor. Austin: University of Texas Press 1966. Hall, Linda. Alvaro Obregón, Power, and Revolution in Mexico, 1911–1920. College Station: Texas A&M Press 1981. Katz, Friedrich. The Life and Times of Pancho Villa. Stanford: Stanford University Press 1998. Lomnitz, Claudio. The Return of Comrade Ricardo Flores Magón. Brooklyn NY: Zone Books 2014. Lucas, Jeffrey Kent. The Rightward Drift of Mexico's Former Revolutionaries: The Case of Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama. Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010. Macias, Anna. "Women and the Mexican Revolution, 1910–1920." The Americas, 37:1 (Jul. 1980), 53–82. Meyer, Michael. Huerta: A Political Portrait. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1972. Meyer, Michael. Mexican Rebel: Pascual Orozco and the Mexican Revolution, 1910–1915. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1967. Poniatowska, Elena. Las Soldaderas: Women of the Mexican Revolution. Texas: Cinco Puntos Press; First Edition, November 2006 Reséndez, Andrés. "Battleground Women: Soldaderas and Female Soldiers in the Mexican Revolution." The Americas 51, 4 (April 1995). Ross, Stanley R. Francisco I. Madero: Apostle of Democracy. New York: Columbia University Press 1955. Richmond, Douglas W. Venustiano Carranza's Nationalist Struggle: 1893–1920. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1983. Shadle, Stanley F. Andrés Molina Enríquez: Mexican Land Reformer of the Revolutionary Era. Tucson: University of Arizona Press 1994. Smith, Stephanie J. Gender and the Mexican Revolution: Yucatán Women and the Realities of Patriarchy. North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2009 Womack, John, Jr. Zapata and the Mexican Revolution. New York: Vintage Press 1970.
Benjamin, Thomas. La Revolución: Mexico's Great Revolution as Memory, Myth, and History. Austin: University of Texas Press 2000. Britton, John A. Revolution and Ideology Images of the Mexican Revolution in the United States. Louisville: The University Press of Kentucky, 1995. Brunk, Samuel. The Posthumous Career of Emiliano Zapata: Myth, Memory, and Mexico's Twentieth Century. Austin: University of Texas Press 2008. Buchenau, Jürgen. "The Arm and Body of a Revolution: Remembering Mexico's Last Caudillo, Álvaro Obregón" in Lyman L. Johnson, ed. Body Politics: Death, Dismemberment, and Memory in Latin America. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2004, pp.179–207. Coffey, Mary. How a Revolutionary Art Became Official Culture: Murals, Museums, and the Mexican State. Durham: Duke University Press 2012. Doremus, Anne T. Culture, Politics, and National Identity in Mexican Literature and Film, 1929–1952. New York: Peter Lang Publishing Inc., 2001. Elliott, Ingrid. "Visual Arts: 1910–37, The Revolutionary Tradition." Encyclopedia of Mexico. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997, pp.1576–1584. Flores, Tatiana. Mexico's Revolutionary Avant-Gardes: From Estridentismo to ¡30-30!. New Haven: Yale University Press 2013. Folgarait, Leonard. Mural Painting and Social Revolution in Mexico, 1920–1940. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998. Foster, David, W., ed. Mexican Literature: A History. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994. Hoy, Terry. "Octavio Paz: The Search for Mexican Identity." The Review of Politics 44:3 (July 1982), 370–385. Gonzales, Michael J. "Imagining Mexico in 1921: Visions of the Revolutionary State and Society in the Centennial Celebration in Mexico City," Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos vol. 25. No 2, Summer 2009, pp.247–270. Herrera Sobek, María, The Mexican Corrido: A Feminist Analysis. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1990. Ittman, John, ed. Mexico and Modern Printmaking, A Revolution in the Graphic Arts, 1920 to 1950. Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art 2006. McCard, Victoria L. Soldaderas of the Mexican revolution (The Evolution of War and Its Representation in Literature and Film), an article from West Virginia University Philological Papers 51 (2006), pgs. 43–51. Mora, Carl J., Mexican Cinema: Reflections of a Society 1896–2004. Berkeley: University of California Press, 3rd edition, 2005 Myers, Berbard S. Mexican Painting in Our Time. New York: Oxford University Press, 1956. Mraz, John. Photographing the Mexican Revolution: Commitments, Testimonies, Icons. Austin: University of Texas Press 2012. Noble, Andrea, Photography and Memory in Mexico: Icons of Revolution. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010. Noble, Andrea, Mexican National Cinema, London: Routledge, 2005. Oles, James, ed. South of the Border, Mexico in the American Imagination, 1914–1947. New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery 1993. O’Malley, Ilene V. 1986. The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State, 1920–1940. Westport: Greenwood Press Orellana, Margarita de, Filming Pancho Villa: How Hollywood Shaped the Mexican Revolution: North American Cinema and Mexico, 1911–1917. New York: Verso, 2007. Ortiz Monasterio, Pablo. Mexico: The Revolution and Beyond: Photographs by Agustín Victor Casasola, 1900–1940. New York: Aperture 2003. Paranagua, Paula Antonio. Mexican Cinema. London: British Film Institute, 1995. Ross, Stanley, ed. Is the Mexican Revolution Dead?. Philadelphia: Temple University Press 1975. Rutherford, John D. Mexican society during the Revolution: a literary approach. Oxford: Oxford University Pres 1971. Simmons, Merle. The Mexican corrido as a source of interpretive study of modern Mexico, 1900–1970. Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1957. ¡Tierra y Libertad! Photographs of Mexico 1900–1935 from the Casasola Archive. Oxford: Museum of Modern Art 1985 Vaughn, Mary K. Negotiating Revolutionary Culture: Mexico, 1930–1940. Tucson: University of Arizona Press 1997. Weinstock, Herbert. "Carlos Chavez." The Musical Quarterly 22:4 (Oct. 1936), 435–445.
The decade was also a period of revolution in a number of countries. The Portuguese 5 October 1910 revolution, which ended the 8 century long monarchy, spearheaded the trend, followed by the Mexican Revolution in November 1910, which led to the ousting of dictator Porfirio Diaz, developing into a violent civil war that dragged on until mid-1920, not long after a new Mexican Constitution was signed and ratified. The Russian Empire also had a similar fate, since its participation on World War I led it to a social, political and economical collapse which made the tsarist autocracy unsustainable and, as a following of the events of 1905, culminated in the Russian Revolution and the establishment of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, under the direction of the Bolshevik Party later renamed as Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Russian Revolution of 1917, known as the October Revolution, was followed by the Russian Civil War, which dragged on until approximately late 1922.
How Long Is Forever?, also translated as How Far Is Forever? and How Long Will Eternity Last?, is a 1999 Chinese novella by Tie Ning. Set in Beijing, the novella follows a sincere and altruistic-to-a-fault girl named Bai Daxing who never changes: forever like a meek child, she always gives in to others' demands even as she gets used and dumped over and over again. Through the static Bai Daxing, Tie Ning also explores the changing values in Beijing from the 1970s Cultural Revolution to the 1990s as China experiences rapid economic growth and urbanization.The novella has also been translated to other languages, such as Thai (as ตลอดกาลน่ะนานแค่ไหน, by Sirindhorn) and Turkish (as "Sonsuz Ne Kadar Uzun?", by Nuri Razi)."How Long Is Forever?" has been adapted into a 2001 Chinese TV drama series directed by Chen Weiming, starring Xu Fan as Bai Daxing.
Perhaps the most popular Zapatista female soldier was Margarita Neri, who was a commander. Some of the Zapatista women soldiers were killed in battle, and long after the revolution ended many continued to wear men's clothing and carry pistols. Col. María de la Luz Espinosa Barrera was one of the few whose service was formally recognized with a pension as a veteran of the Mexican Revolution.
While Cabañas has been called a "Mexican version of Che Guevara", and the Cuban Revolution a decade prior to the movement's formation was somewhat influential to it, focoism and related Cuban experiences did not prove determinative of PdlP tactics and ideology, nor did Soviet Marxism-Leninism or Chinese Maoism, the two major competing brands of international communism at the time. In the Summer of 1973, Cabañas told an assembled group of urban and rural guerrillas: "The way to make a revolution will not be taught by Cuba... China, the Soviet Union, or any other country." Cabañas also rejected Leninism, stating that: "Lenin's theory doesn't tell us how to form the masses [or] cultivate popular support."
The Mexican Revolution, caused at least partially by animosity toward foreign ownership of Mexican properties, began in 1910. The Revolution increased the political instability in Mexico, but did not significantly slow United States investment. It did reduce economic development within Mexico, however, and the border regions reflected this. As the infrastructure of communities on the United States side continued to improve, the Mexican side began to fall behind in the construction and maintenance of important transportation networks and systems necessary to municipal development.[28]
On September 27, 1821, the Army of the Three Guarantees entered triumphantly into Mexico City and on the following day, the Declaration of Independence of the Mexican Empire was widely known. The Spanish Cortes refused to accept the validity of the Plan of Iguala or the Treaty of Córdoba. Spain did not recognize Mexico's independence until December 1836. Therefore, the Mexican Congress elected a Mexican monarch the following year. Iturbide was proclaimed emperor of Mexico on May 18, 1822. The monarchy lasted three years, and after the republican revolution of Casa Mata, the Congress no longer considered the Plan of Iguala or Treaty of Córdoba in effect.
The Socialist Mexican Party (, PMS) was the former left-wing Mexican political party immediate antecedent of the present Party of the Democratic Revolution. It was the last effort to unify the different Mexican left-wing parties, as well as the last political party in the country to officially used the word "socialist" in its name. It existed between 1987 and 1989.
Soldaderas had been a part of Mexican military long before the Mexican Revolution; however, numbers increased dramatically with the outbreak of the revolution. The revolution saw the emergence of a few female combatants and fewer commanding officers ("coronelas"). Soldaderas and coronelas are now often lumped together. Soldaderas as camp followers performed vital tasks such as taking care of the male soldiers; cooking, cleaning, setting up camp, cleaning their weapons and so forth.
Captain Basford and his son charted "Islander" for a while and ran "Islander" on the San Juan Islands route, however they did not succeed and "Islander" was sold to a Mexican concern. How long "Islander" remained in Mexico is unknown, although she appears to have either never been transferred or at least returned by 1920 or so, when the vessel was transferred from Puget Sound to California. Another source indicates that the sale to Mexican owners did not happen until about 1920.
Mexico became independent from Spain in 1821, with some participation of indigenous in decade-long political struggles, but for their own motivations. With the fall of colonial government, the Mexican state abolished distinctions between ethnic groups, that is the separate governance for indigenous populations in the "República de Indios". The new sovereign country made, in theory at least, all Mexicans citizens of the independent nation-state rather than vassals of the Spanish crown, with different legal standing. A long period of political chaos in the post-independence period among white elites largely did not affect indigenous peoples and their communities. Mexican conservatives were largely in charge of the national government and kept in place practices from the old colonial order. However, in the 1850s, Mexican liberals gained power and attempted to formulate and implement reforms that did affect indigenous communities, as well as the Catholic Church. The Mexican Constitution of 1857 abolished the ability of corporations to hold land, which aimed at taking assets out of the hands of the Catholic Church in Mexico and forcing indigenous communities to divide their community-held lands. Liberals' aimed at turning indigenous community members pursuing subsistence farming into yeoman farmers holding their own land. Mexican conservatives repudiated the liberal reform laws since they attacked the Catholic Church, but indigenous communities also participated in a three-year civil war. In the late nineteenth century, liberal army general Porfirio Díaz, a Mestizo did much for modernizing Mexico and integrating it into the world economy, but there were renewed pressures on indigenous communities and their lands. These exploded in certain areas of Mexico during the ten-year long civil war, the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). In the aftermath of the Revolution, the Mexican government attempted simultaneously shore up indigenous culture, while at the same time also attempting to integrate the indigenous as citizens of the nation, turning indigenous into peasants ("campesinos"). This has proved more difficult than policy planners imagined, with resilient indigenous communities continuing to struggle for rights within the nation.
One of these groups in Mexico dedicated to portraying leftist propaganda was the Taller de Gráfica Popular (TGP). The TGP was a collective of artists who expressed Mexican culture, especially dealing with social issues in Mexico from the Revolution and later on in the century, through various art forms, like murals and prints. This group was seen as having some more radical opinions, especially with their aligning with the leftist views in Mexico. They would portray how they viewed ideas like the Mexican Revolution and the current issues in Mexico, which was important to the Mexican people. The Mexican government had been trying to limit the amount of leftist public opinions in the country, so this artistic group was not something that the Mexican government would have favored. The TGP had to be careful so that the artists did not do something too extreme that would cause the government to get involved. Overall though, the TGP helped spread their views and displayed to Mexico, and countries abroad, that there were leftist political opinions in Mexico and that the Mexican people thought about their revolutionary ideals still, decades after the Mexican Revolution.
The first is called the “Independence and first empire”. It is divided in four halls that are the final years of the viceroyalty, Miguel Hidalgo´s insurgency, Jose Maria Morelos participation, and the end of the Independence. The second one recounts the events of the “Republic and Northern Invasion”. This exhibition has two halls starting with how the First Mexican Republic is born and afterwards the Mexican–American War. The third exhibition is called “Reform and Restored Republic”. It has two main topics that includes the Reform War and the French Intervention. The fourth exhibition is called the “Porfiriato”. It shows the happenings during Diaz’s presidency. The last exhibition is called “Revolution”. It exhibits the main historical moments of the Mexican Revolution, the promulgation of the 1917 Mexican Constitution, and Mexico today.