Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant documents that answer the question.
Query: Does Sir Michael Thomas Somare have a wife?
Somare married his wife Veronica, Lady Somare (generally referred to as "Lady Veronica Somare") in 1965, having courted her in traditional fashion, and then immediately left to take up his scholarship at Administrative College. They have five children, Bertha (usually called "Betha" in the national press), Sana, Arthur, Michael Jnr and Dulciana. Somare is head of both his own family and that of his wife, Veronica Lady Somare, who initiated him into their title mindamot two days after his initiation as sana.
Before becoming prime minister, he served as foreign minister for the first time, from 1982 to 1984, by this time beginning his long alliance with Michael Somare, who was prime minister at that time and served as foreign minister while Namaliu was prime minister. He was appointed foreign minister in 2002, as part of the National Alliance Party government of Michael Somare. He served as foreign minister until 12 July 2006 when he became finance minister during a cabinet reshuffle. Sir Rabbie subsequently lost his seat of Kokopo Open at the 2007 Election but has not ruled out a future return to politics. He lost his cabinet post when the new government, again led by Somare, took office in August 2007.
In December 2011, a constitutional crisis broke out when the Supreme Court declared Sir Michael Somare to be the legitimate Prime Minister but Prime Minister Peter O'Neill, who had the support of a parliamentary majority, refused to step down. Governor-General Sir Michael Ogio, following the court order, recognised Somare as Prime Minister. Parliament responded, on 14 December, by "suspending" Ogio and declaring Nape, as Speaker, automatically the acting Governor-General. The Queen of Papua New Guinea, Elizabeth II, who appoints parliament's chosen candidate for governor-general, did not revoke Ogio's commission. On 19 December, Ogio was again recognized by Parliament as governor-general and O'Neill as Prime Minister.
Momis initially supported Prime Minister Michael Somare's first coalition government (1975-1980) and was appointed Minister for Decentralization in Somare's government. He remained PNG's Minister for Decentralization until 1982, including two years in the government of Prime Minister Julius Chan. In March 1980, Momis had joined with other members of parliament from North Solomons (Bougainville) to support a successful vote of no confidence in Michael Somare. Chan became Prime Minister after Somare's ouster.
At the request of Prime Minister Somare, the participating nations have agreed to base the Secretariat for the Coalition for Rainforest Nations at Columbia University in the City of New York. The CfRN was formed after a speech given on May 10, 2005, at Columbia University by Sir Michael Somare, the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea.
Sir Peter announced his resignation from PNG Party to form his own party, People's Party, on the 1st January, 2006. After the party was formed, Ipatas was subsequently made the first Parliamentary Leader in May 2007 before the 2007 National General Elections. When the 2007 elections came, the people saw Ipatas as a visionary leader and returned him for a record third term. By now Ipatas had matured into a savvy and wily politician who realised that he could stand alone at a national level politics. Chief Ipatas was again elected to the 8th National Parliament for the same seat as a People's Party candidate. 'Ipatas was proving to be a king maker and a good man to have on side when he joined Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare as a coalition partner and proved to be the antidote Somare needed to hold together his 27 members and so neutralise an uprising from within the National Alliance'.
Sir Thomas Kavali was a politician from Jimi District of Jiwaka Province, Papua New Guinea. He held various ministries portfolio and served under Sir Michael Somare.
The Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands Governments denied knowledge of his whereabouts, but on 10 October he was secretly flown aboard a Papua New Guinea Defence Force aircraft to Solomon Islands where he was arrested by officers of RAMSI on his arrival in Munda, Western Province. When he left PNG, Moti was in breach of the bail conditions imposed by Madam Justice Catherine Davani of the PNG National Court, and had failed to appear at a PNG court hearing on 30 September. The PNG Government declined to say who in the PNG Defence Force or Government had given the order to fly Moti out. In response, the Australian Government immediately cancelled planned visits by the PNG Prime Minister, Grand Chief the Right Honourable Sir Michael Somare, and Defence Minister Martin Aini, and postponed the annual Australia-PNG Ministerial Forum, and called for an investigation into the flight and prosecution of whoever was responsible. A PNG Defence Force Board of Inquiry into the escape has since recommended that Sir Michael Somare and a number of his advisers be charged with offences in relation to the escape, including breaching PNG's constitution. Somare has sought to suppress the Inquiry's report, challenging the Inquiry's standing in PNG's National Court. As yet the Court has not ruled on the validity of Somare's challenge to the public release of the Commission of Inquiry's findings. with the presiding judge likening Somare's attempts to suppress the findings of the report as a scandal on par with Watergate.
Michael Somare was praised highly when he left politics in 2016.[22][23] The most significant praise may be from Sean Dorney –a veteran specialist on PNG politics. He praised him as a politician who led a highly fractured political community leading to independence. He also praised the enduring a parliamentary democracy in such a fractured community.([24] It is, however, significant that praise for Somare's policies was lacking. That is understandable because Somare was not conspicuous as a policymaker. His policies must often be derived from the actual course he took reacting to events. Three areas of policy making illustrate this: agriculture, macro economic policies and development planning. PNG got as a parting gift at independence an economic analysis with recommendations . This stressed the need for rural development and Somare accepted that at that time.[25] Yet in the course of the years PNG became an economy driven by resource extraction and the agricultural sector remained stagnant.[26] Attention for the rural sector was driven by donors rather than by government. For example: the World Bank's PNG Productive Partnerships in Agriculture or the PNG Rural Service Delivery Program.[27] The Mining Act 1992 and the Oil and Gas Act 1998 are the most important documents regulating the rapid growth in extracting natural resources. These were enacted when Somare was not in power.[28] Nevertheless, the major LNG/PNG project was developed when he was prime minister from 2002 to 2011. There was however no major policy debate around the project. His son, Arthur Somare, was the prime driver of the project rather than prime minister Michael Somare.[29] Michael somare has however defended his track record with respect to LNG/PNG despite strong criticism on the deal to gain equity in the company.[30] The Forestry Act 1991 is the main document regulating another natural resources sector. It was also enacted when Somare was not in power.[31] The deeds of Somare governments show one predominant trait in policy making: he is a fiscal conservative. Government expenditure was under control when he was prime minister.[32] That was particularly clear in the period 2002-2011, . When Somare succeeded Morauta as prime minister in 2002 there was a fear that Somare would undo the privatisation of the preceding government and move away from the politics of austerity. However he left the reforms of the preceding Morauta government intact and his fiscal rectitude fit the IMF philosophy of structural adjustment.[33][33] The IMF had much praise for the Somare government 2002-2011.[34] Income from natural resources was high and the Somare government used it to reduce the public debt rather than increase public expenditure.[35] There was only one attempt to formulate a comprehensive development policy by a Somare government: the Vision 2050 document.[36] However that became more an inspirational document than a concrete plan of action. The document is critical of PNG's performance since independence but it lays the blame in the first place on its citizenry rather than the government and government policies.[37][38]
The mutiny was related to a dispute over the prime ministership between Sir Michael Somare and Peter O'Neill which had begun in December 2011 when the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea ordered that Somare be reinstated as the prime minister while the county's parliament supported O'Neill. Sasa led the mutiny with the goal of reinstating Michael Somare as prime minister.
Sir Michael Thomas Somare GCLGCMGCHCFSSIKSGPC (born 9 April 1936) is a prominent politician of Papua New Guinea. He was a pivotal politician in the coming of independence. His political career spanned from 1968 until his retirement in 2017. He has been the longest serving prime minister (17 years). Besides that he has been minister of foreign affairs, leader of the opposition and governor of East Sepik.
The fourth reason for the decline in prestige of Michael Somare is the lack of modesty. The Melanesian way expects big men to be modest. Somare has always asserted himself in a big way, for example by assuming the honorific Grand Chief. In 1998 his portrait appeared on the reverse side of the K. 50 bank note. This was to honour his role in attaining independence.[76] However, this public show of prominence suits more a presidential system than a Westminster style parliamentary democracy. The problematic presentation of the self by Somare was also evident in his appearance before a Leadership tribunal following complaints about not handing in financial returns as required by the leadership code. The leadership tribunal was composed of three expatriate judges He was found guilty for submitting late and incomplete annual financial statements, dating back to the 1990s. As a result, he was suspended from office for two weeks without pay. That was a majority judgment of two judges. Judge Sir Robin Auld dissented. He was the only Judge that called for dismissal: Michael Somare's attitude as prime minister showed "a disregard bordering on disdain for his constitutional obligations. It would be bad enough in the case of any leader, but it is particularly reprehensible for one of his high standing and influential involvement in the initiation of the leadership code". There were cheers from a large crowd of well wishers when he appeared from the court. Somare regretted his administrative oversight and seemed without rancor. His daughter Bertha –the spokeswoman for the family- asked for understanding from the foreign press: "He is not a politician like they have in Australia, or places like that," she said. "There has to be, I guess, an understanding of Papua New Guinea. Everybody watched this very public, if you like, humiliation of him for the last couple of months and I think the majority of Papua New Guineans were very relieved at the judgment made by two of the three (judges)."I guess there was a sense of relief throughout the country."[77][78] The significance of the Leadership Tribunal was thus in the first in the challenge to his prestige. That challenge was also evident in the suggestion in 2008 by opposition politician Bart Philemon that Sir Michael Somare gives an explanation on how he obtained a A$349,000 three-bedroom executive-style apartment with private plunge pool in inner-city Cairns..His son Arthur Somare who was then PNG's State Enterprise Minister was also questioned about a A$685,000 four-bedroom home he had bought two months prior at Trinity Beach.[79]
In August 2011 Peter O'Neill became the Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea (PNG). At this time Sir Michael Somare was recovering from sickness, and his family had announced that he had resigned from both the Prime Ministership and parliament. In December 2011 the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea ruled that Somare's removal from office was unlawful, and directed that he be reinstated. This led to a political standoff, during which Somare asked the commander of the PNGDF, Brigadier General Francis Agwi, to intervene. Agwi refused to do so, and endorsed O'Neill. O'Neill was supported by most members of Parliament, and retained the position.
Since mid-2011, there has been an ongoing dispute between parliament and Peter O'Neill and the judiciary, governor-general and Sir Michael Somare. The crisis involved the status of the prime minister and who is the legitimate head of government between O'Neill and Somare.
"Pacific Magazine" in 2008 described Sir Arnold as "the likely successor of Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare when 'The Chief' steps down as head of the governing National Alliance Party."
A prime minister in PNG needs in the first place an aptitude for coalition formation. There is never a party with an absolute majority and the political spectrum is fragmented. Party formation is weak and political loyalties are fluid. Coalitions are therefore opportunistic: Coalition formation is not guided by policies or strict party loyalties Peter O”Neill is very skillful in this fluid political culture. Before he became Prime Minister, he had already shifted loyalties for and against prime minister Michael Somare. In 2011 he shifted loyalties again by joining a movement to unseat Michael Somare who was ill in Singapore. He was elected then by the parliament of PNG as Prime Minister with 70 of the 94 votes cast. His position was however challenged in several ways. MPs loyal to Michael Somare challenged him in the courts and Somare himself did as well after he returned from Singapore. The Supreme Court ruled that Somare was the legitimate prime minister. This brought the constitutional crisis to a head. O’Neill refused to go. The Governor General decided in the ensuing tussle that new elections were needed (
The museum consists of the Masterpiece Gallery, Sir Michael Somare Gallery and the Independence Gallery.
Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare of Papua New Guinea at this point has reportedly "threatened local media with contempt of court over their calls for the official release of the PNG Defence Force Inquiry report that recommends he faces charges" and Somare reportedly does not now support Mr Moti. It does not yet reliably appear that any untoward payment has been made to Somare for his alleged part in Moti's passage through Papua New Guinea.
Task Force Sweep has made 40 arrests since it was established in 2011:Task Force Sweep is currently investigating allegations against former Prime Minister Michael Somare and his wife, Lady Veronica Somare, of misappropriation of public funds. The allegations relate to payments of PGK3.7 million paid to public and non-public officials during the hospitalisation of Somare. Many arrests are expected in the course of this investigation, including Somare’s daughter Bertha and his personal assistant Seke Ua Karingal. Somare’s brother, Paul, is also believed to have been involved, along with Richard Gogo, Constable John Keai and Rodney Kamus, Somare’s personal aide. 
In December 2011, Sam Koim announced that Task Force Sweep had uncovered a number of "syndicates" in PNG that had colluded to misappropriate large sums of public funds, which had been channelled out of the country. Sam Koim referred to Australia as “another Cayman Islands” for allowing perpetrators to launder their proceeds of crime. 
At the end of 2011, Task Force Sweep was given additional funds of US$1.4 million to expand the scope of their work. They are reportedly due to investigate the Taiwan diplomatic scandal, which saw a naturalised Singaporean citizen jailed in Taiwan for his part in a cash-for-diplomacy scandal in November 2011. Wu Shih-tsa reportedly embezzled US$30 million worth of diplomatic funds in an exchange with the PNG government who was hoping to forge diplomatic ties with the government of Taiwan.
Gower had two wives, first, Elizabeth Howard, daughter of Sir William Howard of Naworth Castle, sister to Charles Earl of Carlisle, and second, Frances Leveson, daughter and coheir of Sir John Leveson, of Haling in Kent, and of Lilleshall in Shropshire, by Frances his wife, daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Sondes, of Throwley in Kent, (elder brother of Sir Michael Sondes, who was grandfather to George Sondes, 1st Earl of Feversham) by Margaret, sister of Henry Brooke, 11th Baron Cobham. By which last Lady, this Sir Thomas Gower had two sons, Edward, and William, ancestor to George Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Marquess of Stafford; also a daughter Frances; but by his first wife he had no issue.
in September 2011, Nape "dropped a bombshell" with his highly controversial decision to disqualify recently ousted Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare, known as the "Grand Chief" and the "father of the nation", from Parliament. Nape ruled that Somare had missed three consecutive parliamentary sessions, due to being in hospital for surgery followed by a lengthy recovery. When he entered Parliament in a wheelchair, Nape "welcomed him warmly", but later declared that he was disqualifying him. Somare denied that he had missed three sessions.
Elections in 1972 resulted in the formation of a ministry headed by Chief Minister Michael Somare, who pledged to lead the country to self-government and then to independence. Papua New Guinea became self-governing on 1 December 1973 and achieved independence on 16 September 1975. The country joined the United Nations (UN) on 10 October 1975 by way of Security Council Resolution 375 and General Assembly resolution 3368. The 1977 national elections confirmed Michael Somare as Prime Minister at the head of a coalition led by the Pangu Party. However, his government lost a vote of confidence in 1980 and was replaced by a new cabinet headed by Sir Julius Chan as prime minister. The 1982 elections increased Pangu's plurality, and parliament again chose Somare as prime minister. In November 1985, the Somare government lost another vote of no confidence, and the parliamentary majority elected Paias Wingti, at the head of a five-party coalition, as prime minister. A coalition, headed by Wingti, was victorious in very close elections in July 1987. In July 1988, a no-confidence vote toppled Wingti and brought to power Rabbie Namaliu, who a few weeks earlier had replaced Somare as leader of the Pangu Party.
Polye had first entered Parliament in the 2002 general election, as a member of the National Alliance Party, whose leader Sir Michael Somare became Prime Minister. In August 2011, the NAP-led Somare government was brought down in a parliamentary motion of no confidence (whilst Somare was recovering from surgery in hospital), leading to a split in the party, between members who remained loyal to Somare, and others - including Polye - who joined Peter O'Neill's new government. In October, it was reported simultaneously that the party was expelling the latter, and that Polye had assumed leadership of the party. What had happened was a split, with two opposing factions both claiming to constitute the party. In January 2012, Polye purported to de-register the NAP, despite the existence of a rival faction. The members of his faction reconstituted themselves as the Triumph Heritage Empowerment Rural Party, ahead of the June 2012 general election. The new party was officially launched at the Granville Motel in Port Moresby on 23 January.
The university has moved from a departmental to a school structure to foster interdisciplinary and inter-school relationships. The university's library is known as the Michael Somare Library, named after the country's first Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare. 
Sir Michael Somare, the first Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea, retired as a Member of National Parliament at the election. Somare has served continuously since he was first elected to the pre-independence House of Assembly in 1968, an unbroken term of 49 years.