Instruct: Given a question, retrieve passages that answer the question.
Query: What's hegemony?
Hegemony (UK: /hɪˈɡɛməni, hɪˈdʒɛməni/, US: /hɪˈdʒɛməni/ (pronunciation) or /ˈhɛdʒəˌmoʊni/) is the political, economic, or military predominance or control of one state over others.[1][2][3][4] In ancient Greece (8th century BC – 6th century AD), hegemony denoted the politico-military dominance of a city-state over other city-states.[5] The dominant state is known as the hegemon.[6]
[1]Altheide, D. L. (1984). Media hegemony: A failure of perspective. Public Opinion Quarterly, 48(2), 476-490.
[2]Artz, L., & Yahya, R. K. (2012). Globalization, media hegemony and social class. Globalization of Corporate Media Hegemony, The: Evaluating California's Imprisonment Crisis, 1.
[3]Chaney, D. (1981). Public opinion and social change: The social rhetoric of documentary and the concept of news. Mass Media and Social Change. Beverly Hills: Sage, 115-36.
[4]Gans, H. J. (1979). Deciding what's news: A study of CBS evening news, NBC nightly news, Newsweek, and Time. Northwestern University Press.
[5]Gieber, W. (1960). Two communicators of the news: A study of the roles of sources and reporters. Social Forces, 39(1), 76-83.
[6]Golding, P., & Murdock, G. (1979). Ideology and the mass media: the question of determination. Ideology and Cultural Production, 198-224.
[7]Golding, P. (1981). The missing dimensions: News media and the management of social change. Mass Media and Social Change. Beverly Hills: Sage, 1981, 63-81.
[8]Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections form the prison notebook, edited and translated by Quintin Hoare & Goffrey Nowell Smith.
[9]Hall, S. (1977). Culture, the media and the ideological effect. Arnold.
[10]Mueller, C. (1973). The politics of communication: A study in the political sociology of language, socialization, and legitimation. Oxford University Press, USA.
Hegemony Gold: Wars of Ancient Greece is a real-time strategy game developed and published by Canadian studio Longbow Digital Arts Inc. It began as Hegemony: Philip of Macedon which revolved around the campaigns of Philip II of Macedon, father of Alexander the Great. It was originally released on Windows on 11 May 2010. It was updated as Hegemony Gold: Wars of Ancient Greece on 23 February 2011 which added scenarios set in the Peloponnesian War. The game features simultaneous real-time tactical battles and real-time strategic empire management, with a focus on the logistics and planning of military campaigns. It was followed by Hegemony Rome: The Rise of Caesar in 2014 and Hegemony III: Clash of the Ancients in 2015.
Prof. De Silva has also been a vocal opponent of what he calls western cultural dominance which he claims is in its final phase.
The western Christian modernity (WCM) is in the last phase of its hegemony and is acting like an insane person. It has no respect for the sovereignty of the other countries as has been exemplified from invasions, killings and supporting so called rebel groups in the countries in Asia and Africa. The USA that became the leader of WCM after the so called second world war is trying desperately to hold to the hegemony of WCM. After more than five hundred years of world domination WCM will have to leave the planet without making the people suffer more and more. 
At 1518, Portugal assumed a hegemonic position in world politics. However, as the Netherlands (which was experiencing the Dutch Golden Age) rose in power, a series of struggles led to the destruction of Spain's power and a transition to Dutch hegemony. Dutch hegemony was brought into question again in 1688 with the Wars of Louis XIV, which resulted in what is referred to as the "Britain I Cycle", the Napoleonic Wars interrupted this cycle and questioned the hegemony Britain possessed. However, Britain's victory resulted in maintenance of power and the "Britain II Cycle". This cycle ended with the World Wars and Wittkopf shows the period of 1914-1945 as one of particular turbulence in which no power maintained hegemony, even after the Treaty of Versailles. After the second World War, a drastic increase in seapower concentration by the United States was experienced and it – along with the Soviet Union – became the world's first superpowers.
Snorri Sturluson writes in "Harald Fairhair's saga" that Harald Fairhair disputed the Swedish king Eric Eymundsson's hegemony in what is today southern Norway.
The prominent international relations scholar John Mearsheimer writes extensively about the pursuit of regional hegemony in his book, "The Tragedy of Great Power Politics". According to his theory, known as offensive realism, the anarchic nature of the international system, the desire for survival, and the uncertainty about other states' intentions ultimately lead states to pursue regional hegemony. According to Mearsheimer, global hegemony is an unattainable goal; instead, a state which has achieved the level of regional hegemon will then work to prevent the development of peer competitors in other regions.
Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced Eurocommunism, the social sciences, and the activist politics of socially liberal and progressive politicians. The analytic discourse of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in anthropology, political science, sociology, and cultural studies; in education, cultural hegemony developed critical pedagogy, by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved.
Laclau's early work was influenced by Althusserian Marxism and focused on issues debated within Neo-Marxist circles in the 1970s, such as the role of the state, the dynamics of capitalism, the importance of building popular movements, and the possibility of revolution. Laclau's most significant book is "Hegemony and Socialist Strategy", which he co-authored with Chantal Mouffe in 1985. The position outlined in this book is usually described as post-Marxist because it rejects (a) Marxist economic determinism and (b) the view that class struggle is the most important antagonism in society. In their 2001 introduction to the second edition Laclau and Mouffe commented on this label, stating that whilst "'post"-Marxist' they were also 'post-"Marxist"': their work, though a departure from traditional Western Marxism, retained similar concerns and ideas. A key innovation in "Hegemony and Socialist Strategy" was Laclau and Mouffe's argument that left-wing movements need to build alliances with a wide variety of different groups if they are to be successful and establish a left-wing 'hegemony'. In the final chapter of the book, the project of "radical and plural democracy" was advocated: a democracy in which subjects accept the importance of the values of liberty and equality, but fight over what the terms mean.
1954 Guatemalan coup d'état Noam Chomsky Counter-hegemonic globalization Colonialism Dominant ideology David Harvey Hegemonic masculinity Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism Monetary hegemony Post-hegemony Regional hegemony Soft power Edward Soja State collapse Supremacism
In international relations, regional hegemony is the hegemony (political, economic, or military predominance, control or influence) of one independently powerful state, known as the regional hegemon over other neighboring countries. The relationship between regional hegemons and the other states within their spheres of influence is analogous to the relationship between a global hegemon and the other states in the international system.
The Hegemony is opposed by the Ousters, renegade human colonies that fled the Hegemony's growing influence even before the events of the Hegira. Though seen by many Hegemony citizens as barbarians, the Ousters have a highly advanced culture that focuses primarily on the fine arts and on aesthetic values almost unknown amidst the many technologies of the WorldWeb. The Ousters have mutated physically, believing that they should adapt to their outer-space surroundings rather than adapt the surroundings themselves, as was the case with WorldWeb planets, and appear in a variety of forms throughout the course of the novel. The Ousters have rarely fought full-scale conflicts with the Hegemony, but are launching an invasion of Hyperion at the time of the novel.
In France, King Louis XIV (1638–1715) and (Emperor) Napoleon I (1799–1815) attempted French true hegemony via economic, cultural and military domination of most of Continental Europe. However, Jeremy Black writes that, because of Britain, France "was unable to enjoy the benefits" of this hegemony.[24]
In 2004 Eliot A. Cohen summarized the contemporary transition from empire: "The Age of Empire may indeed have ended, but then an age of American hegemony has begun, regardless of what one calls it."
The Marxist theory of cultural hegemony, associated particularly with Antonio Gramsci, is the idea that the ruling class can manipulate the value system and mores of a society, so that their view becomes the world view (Weltanschauung): in Terry Eagleton's words, "Gramsci normally uses the word hegemony to mean the ways in which a governing power wins consent to its rule from those it subjugates".[9] In contrast to authoritarian rule, cultural hegemony "is hegemonic only if those affected by it also consent to and struggle over its common sense".[10]
Prashad is an outspoken critic of what he calls American hegemony and imperialism. He also identifies himself as an anti-Zionist and has advocated for the end of US aid to Israel.
After Ine of Wessex abdicated in 726, Æthelbald of Mercia established Mercia's hegemony over the Anglo-Saxons south of the Humber. However, campaigns by Powys against Mercia led to the building of Wat's Dyke, an earthwork boundary extending from the Severn valley near Oswestry to the Dee at Basingwerk in what became Flintshire, perhaps to protect recently acquired lands.[4] After Æthelbald was killed in 757, a brief civil war in Mercia then ended in victory for his distant cousin, Offa. As king, he rebuilt Mercia's hegemony over the southern English through military campaigns, and also caused the construction of Offa's Dyke, around the years 770 and 780.[7]
The government of the Hegemony is described in detail during the course of the novel, and its role in the fictional universe forms several portions of the plot. Planets with full membership status in the Hegemony select senators to serve in the upper house of the legislature, while the lower house consists of the All Thing, a forum accessible to all citizens through "implants" that connect humans to the "datumplane", one of the computerized realities resembling the World Wide Web. The executive branch consists of a chief executive officer elected by the Senate. At the time of the novel's events, Meina Gladstone serves as the Hegemony's chief executive officer. Despite the democratic tendencies of this parliamentary form of government, the Hegemony has at times taken actions viewed as tyrannous, using its small but elite military, known as FORCE, to invade the sea planet Maui Covenant, which had resisted integration into the Hegemony as a protectorate. Planets not incorporated into the Hegemony are nonetheless affected by it, and its ambassadors effectively administer some planetary governments. Still, some worlds, thought of as the "Outback", are sparsely settled. The planet Hyperion is viewed as part of the Outback, but is viewed with special regard due to the succession of strange events that have occurred on it since the formation of the Hegemony. These events include colonization efforts that have failed due to the menace of mysterious forces, correctly believed by many to have been the work of the Shrike.
A successful smart power narrative for the United States in the twenty-first century, Nye argues, will not obsess over power maximization or the preservation of hegemony. Rather, it will find "ways to combine resources into successful strategies in the new context of power diffusion and the 'rise of the rest.'" A successful smart power strategy will provide answers to the following questions: 1) What goals or outcomes are preferred? 2) What resources are available and in which contexts? 3) What are the positions and preferences of the targets of attempts at influence? 4) Which forms of power behavior are most likely to succeed? 5) What is the probability of success?
Bismarck defined the road ahead as … no expansion, no push for hegemony in Europe. Germany was to be the strongest power in Europe but without being a hegemon. … His basic axioms were first, no conflict among major powers in Central Europe; and second, German security without German hegemony."[26]
One noteworthy work in the area of comparative politics in Southeast Asia is his discussion of communitarian politics. He asserts that liberalism and democracy do not necessarily have to go hand in hand in Asia. With nationhood being a new phenomenon and liberalism lacking deep historical roots in much of Asia, he questioned what other values instead of those of liberalism might be promoted in these regions, and analyzed dynamics that surround construing national ideologies in communitarian terms. In this way, he revealed how social practices in parts of Asia disrupt the global hegemony of liberalism. In "Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore" for instance, a book that radically reoriented the analysis of politics in Singapore, he demonstrated that the undisrupted reign of People’s Action Party (PAP) was based on its ability to develop and maintain a Gramscian sense of ideological hegemony, since the mid-1970s, rather than on authoritarianism. This ideological hegemony had enabled the Party to shift towards the concept of ‘Asian democracy’, an attempt to supplant liberalism with ‘Asian’ communitarism.
He also wrote about what he called the "American hegemony" and its premises, analysing the influence which the United States and its foreign policy have had on the world and, more specifically, on Europe. He characterised the efforts of the United States to establish what resembles a hegemony in Europe and other parts of the world as a "Seventy-Seven Years' War" waged throughout most of the 20th century.
In the second half of the book, Posen explains why restraint would be a better grand strategy to follow than liberal hegemony. He details what the strategy would look like and what sort of military would be needed to achieve this.
From the Gramsci analysis derived the political science denotation of hegemony as leadership; thus, the historical example of Prussia as the militarily and culturally predominant province of the German Empire (Second Reich 1871–1918); and the personal and intellectual predominance of Napoleon Bonaparte upon the French Consulate (1799–1804).[40] Contemporarily, in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe defined hegemony as a political relationship of power wherein a sub-ordinate society (collectivity) perform social tasks that are culturally unnatural and not beneficial to them, but that are in exclusive benefit to the imperial interests of the hegemon, the superior, ordinate power; hegemony is a military, political, and economic relationship that occurs as an articulation within political discourse.[41] Beyer analysed the contemporary hegemony of the United States at the example of the Global War on Terrorism and presented the mechanisms and processes of American exercise of power in 'hegemonic governance'.[32]
In crushing the rebellion, the military destroys the ecology as thoroughly as the tourists would have, but far more violently: all the dolphins die, as do a large proportion of the original Maui-Covenant colonists. The latter Consul was forbidden by Merin to join in the fighting, and so he survived to thrive with distinction in the Hegemony diplomatic corps. There he aids the Hegemony in destroying whatever resistance the Hegemony encounters. He bides his time, waiting for a chance to betray the Hegemony and achieve revenge.