Instruct: Given a question, retrieve documents that can help answer the question.
Query: What was the first thing did Petar II Petrović-Njegoš published?
Despite being Montenegro's ruler for more than twenty years, Njegoš is best known for his literary output.[73] His writings drew on Serb folklore, lyric poetry and biblical stories. He began writing poetry at the age of seventeen, and his literary opus includes Glas kamenštaka (The Voice of a Stone-Cutter; 1833), Lijek jarosti turske (The Cure for Turkish Fury; 1834), Ogledalo srpsko (The Serbian Mirror; 1835), Luča mikrokozma (The Ray of the Microcosm; 1845), Gorski vijenac (The Mountain Wreath; 1847), Lažni car Šćepan mali (The False Tsar Stephen the Little; 1851) and, posthumously, Slobodijada (The Freedom Song; 1854).[74] His most famous works are Luča mikrokozma, Gorski vijenac and Lažni car Šćepan mali, all epic poems.[75]
Petar II Petrović-Njegoš (Serbian Cyrillic: Петар II Петровић-Његош, pronounced[pêtar drûɡiː pětroʋit͡ɕ ɲêɡoʃ]; 13 November[O.S. 1 November]1813– 31 October[O.S. 19 October]1851), commonly referred to simply as Njegoš (Његош), was a Prince-Bishop (vladika) of Montenegro, poet and philosopher whose works are widely considered some of the most important in Serbian and Montenegrin literature.
Following the death of Petar I, his 17-year-old nephew, Rade Petrović became Metropolitan Petar II. By historian and literary consensus, Petar II, commonly called "Njegoš", was the most impressive of the Prince-Bishops, having laid the foundation of the modern Montenegrin state and the subsequent Kingdom of Montenegro. He was the most acclaimed Montenegrin poet.
Petar Petrović-Njegoš (Cyrillic: Петар Петровић-Његош) may refer to:
Most of what was written about Njegoš during his lifetime was the work of foreigners (officials, scholars or travelers).[79] One of the earliest detailed academic analyses of Njegoš's works was published by Milan Rešetar in 1890. Following the establishment of a common South Slav state in 1918, scholars reinterpreted Njegoš in a Yugoslav light, despite some of his writings being decidedly anti-Muslim and having the potential to alienate Yugoslavia's Muslim citizens, who formed about ten percent of the new country's population.[80] During the interwar period, future Nobel Prize winner Ivo Andrić wrote extensively about Njegoš and his works, and published several papers on the vladika's poetry after the war, as well. Other authors who wrote about Njegoš include Mihailo Lalić, Isidora Sekulić and Anica Savić Rebac.[81]
During the First Serbian Uprising (1804) and Karađorđe's march to Novi Pazar, the people of this area revolted and met the Serbian dukes Anto Bogićević and Hadži-Prodan Gligorijević. Then, Mojsije Zečević, prior of Đurđevi stupovi, had the leading role among the Orthodox people of Budimlja. He was one of the closest allies of Petar I Petrović-Njegoš and Petar II Petrović-Njegoš, the archbishops and political leaders of Montenegro. Since the First Serbian Uprising until its final liberation, fights against Turks were constant, especially during the second part of the 19th century. Famous battles occurred from 1825, until 1862, but the most important one was Rudes battle on 7 April 1862, in which the Serbian and Montenegrin rebels won. Berane was finally liberated from Turks in 1912 and it was incorporated in Montenegro.
While Njegoš was in Vienna and Russia in 1833, Vukotić took advantage of the vladika's prolonged absence to increase his own power. Njegoš quickly moved to push Vukotić aside, installing his own brother Pero as senate leader and their cousin Đorđije—who had recently returned from Saint Petersburg—as Pero's deputy. Vukotić and Vučićević were exiled to Russia. There, they spread countless rumours about Njegoš in an attempt to tarnish his reputation.[45] While their actions threatened to ruin his image abroad, Njegoš was far more concerned about domestic discontent with his tax policies. He reasoned that his pious and overly superstitious citizens would not protest taxation as fiercely if the Petrovićes boasted a saint who was of the same bloodline. Hence, he arranged for the canonization of the late Petar I on the fourth anniversary of his death, in October 1834. With a saint in his family, Njegoš could now threaten any Montenegrin who challenged his authority with spiritual sanctions. Most Montenegrins were greatly enthusiastic about Petar's canonization, and many flocked to his tomb in Cetinje to celebrate the event. While Njegoš was now in a more stable position than he was two years earlier, he still encountered several challenges to his rule. He was criticized for allegedly misappropriating the funds given to him by the Russians, and a tribal rebellion in Crmnica and Riječka nahiya erupted in response to the demands of tax collectors and chronic food shortages. The revolt was crushed by Njegoš's cousins Đorđije and Stanko, but the allegations of fund misappropriation further tarnished his reputation among the Russians.[46]
He arrived in Cetinje on 25 September 1827, uninvited, led by the passions of adventure and poetry and, at the same time, deep patriotism. He was neither the first nor the last stranger to be attracted by the blazing heroism and hidden power of Montenegro. A gifted adventurer—Stephen the Small—had once wandered into this land from out of nowhere, and organized the first civil government. There was something of the adventurer in the Petrović bishops as well—in every one of them, in one way or another. Sarajlija simply blew into the Montenegro wilderness, fleeing before the Kotor police because of the
irregularity of his documents. He was to captivate Bishop Petar I Petrović Njegoš from the beginning. "As soon as I laid eyes on him, he came to my heart", the old man wrote to Jeremija Gagić, the Russian vice-consul at Dubrovnik, and added, "I do not know whether any other Serb would be willing to live in Montenegro." Sarajlija found Rade (the Bishop's nephew and the future Petar II Petrović Njegoš) there when he arrived.
The day after Petar's death, all of Montenegro's chieftains met in Cetinje to confirm the new vladika. According to one account, there were several chieftains who did not wish to see Njegoš bestowed the title.[22] They considered him too young and inexperienced, and disliked the haste with which he was to be crowned.[23] Figures such as Milutinović, Stanko S. Petrović, iguman Mojsije Zečević, serdar Mikhail Bošković, and the headman of Čevo, Stefan Vukotić, supported Njegoš's bid and urged the council to immediately proclaim him the next vladika. The first to recognize him as such was the archimandrite of Ostrog, Josif Pavičević, followed by the guvernadur (governor) of Montenegro, Vukolaj "Vuko" Radonjić, and all the other chieftains. Another account holds that Radonjić hotly opposed Njegoš's succession and argued that the expatriated Đorđije was Petar I's true heir.[22] The reason behind Radonjić's opposition to Njegoš lay in the fact that his clan, the Radonjićes, were bitter enemies of Njegoš's Petrović clan. Apparently, Radonjić's opinion did not sway the chieftains and they composed a declaration proclaiming Njegoš the next vladika. According to this account, archimandrite Josif signed the declaration first and Radonjić signed it last after seeing that all of the other chieftains had done so.[22] Despite not having any formal training as a monk, the teenaged Njegoš was consecrated in 1831 an archimandrite himself in a ceremony that took place in the Kom Monastery.[23]. He adopted the ecclesiastical name Petar in honour of his late predecessor, thus becoming known as Petar II Petrović-Njegoš.[24] Following his consecration, he signed himself using his monkish name and his surname. Thus, all of Njegoš's correspondences were signed under the name Petar Petrović, though the Montenegrin people continued to refer to him by his given name and affectionately called him Bishop Rade. In most scholarly texts, he is referred to simply as Njegoš.[25]
The Communists in 1972 seriously damaged the "spiritual veil" of Montenegro by destroying the church dedicated to St. Petar I Petrovic (St. Petar of Cetinje), and desecrating the tomb of the world-famous poet Metropolitan Petar II Petrović Njegoš, who built this church on top of the Lovcen mountain. Instead, they replaced the church with a secular mausoleum. This was an indication of the regime's disregard for the last will of Petar II Petrović, the ancient Christian traditions of Montenegro, and the laws that the Communists themselves had established after 1945. In these circumstances the Orthodox Church in Montenegro was marginalized by the Communist government. This period is regarded as a time of open and brutal persecution of the Church.
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The Metropolitans of Montenegro, all members of this family (with the exception of Arsenije Plamenac) were: Danilo I Petrović-Njegoš (1697–1735), Sava II Petrović-Njegoš (1735–1781), Arsenije Plamenac (1781–1784), Petar I Petrović-Njegoš (1784–1830), and Petar II Petrović-Njegoš (1830–1851). After the death of Petar II, the state of Montenegro was no longer ruled by the Metropolitans, since his successor, Prince Danilo Petrović-Njegoš, did not wish to become a Metropolitan.
Customarily, all Serb hierarchs in Montenegro went to the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć for their ordination, however, in 1766 all that changed. The Patriarch Vasilije Ivanović-Brkić whom the Turks exiled, and placed a Phanariot Greek, Kalinik II, at the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, who went on to abolish the Patriarchate of Peć altogether. After that it became necessary for the archimandrites of Montenegro to seek to be ordained bishops far from their mountain fastness in Sremski Karlovci (in the case of Petar I Petrović-Njegoš) and Imperial Russia (in the case of Petar II Petrović Njegoš).
He graduated at gymnasium in Belgrade and began to attend lyceum. In period between 1844 and 1848 he studied at universities in Prague, Berlin and Heidelberg. After he returned to Serbia in 1848 he became professor at lyceum. During this period he befriended Petar II Petrović-Njegoš and years later wrote in his "Pisma iz Italije" (Letter from Italy) the experience of traveling with Njegoš in Italy and observing him as a ruler at the court in Cetinje. His narrative on Njegoš was published some twenty and forty years after Njegoš's death (1851).
Petar I's final years were defined by his deteriorating health and continuing inability to find a successor—ideally both a Petrović and a literate monk—capable of carrying on his role. Petar's first candidate was Mitar M. Petrović, the son of his eldest brother Stjepan. Within several years, the younger Petrović died and Petar was forced to find a different successor. He turned his attention to Đorđije S. Petrović, his middle brother's son. As Đorđije was illiterate, Petar sent him to Saint Petersburg to attend school. Once there, Đorđije realized that he preferred living in Russia over Montenegro. In 1828, he sent his uncle a letter from Saint Petersburg informing him that he wished to enroll into the Imperial Russian Army and asking to be relieved of succession. In 1829, Petar informed Jeremija Gagić, an ethnic Serb who served as the Russian vice-consul in Dubrovnik and was in charge of all of Russia's dealings with Montenegro, that Đorđije had his permission to enter the Russian military, depriving him of his right to the throne.[18]
In response to the defeat at Podgorica, the Montenegrins formed tactical alliances with neighbouring Muslims tribes that were hostile to the Porte. By entering into such alliances Njegoš risked further alienating the Russians, whose support Montenegro still desperately needed. To neutralize any suspicion that Montenegro was acting against Russian interests, Njegoš cultivated a close personal friendship with vice-consul Grujić, who advised the czar that Njegoš was as dependable as ever.[34] In one of his letters to Grujić, Njegoš reported that the final advice Petar I gave him before his death was "pray to God and hold on to Russia".[35]
Petar I Petrović-Njegoš (1747–1830) mentions Musa and Marko Kraljević in his song "The Sons of Ivan-bey" (), which was after his death published first in 1835 and then by Petar II Petrović-Njegoš in his 1845 song collection "Serbian Mirror" ().
A severe drought struck Montenegro in late 1846, followed by a catastrophic famine in 1847. Osman Pasha took advantage of Montenegro's misfortune and promised some of the Montenegrin chieftains large amounts of wheat if they rose up against the Petrovićes. Njegoš was caught off-guard, having spent much of late 1846 in Vienna overseeing the publication of his epic poem, Gorski vijenac (The Mountain Wreath). The leaders of the rebellion were Markiša Plamenac, a captain with the Perjanici in Crmnica, and Todor Božović, a senator from the Piperi tribe. Plamenac had been one of Njegoš's close confidants. According to legend, he planned to become a member of the Petrović clan by marrying the daughter of Njegoš's brother Pero, thus increasing his own power and standing. When Pero married his daughter off to Plamenac's cousin, the son of reverend Jovan Plamenac, the once-loyal captain switched sides and became an agent of Osman Pasha. On 26 March[O.S. 14 March]1847, Plamenac led a band of rebels in an assault against lower Crmnica alongside the Turks. Fortunately for Njegoš, some members of the Plamenac tribe had remained loyal to the Petrovićes. About two weeks later, a force of about 2,000 Petrovićes, Katuni and Plamenac tribesmen forced the Turks out of Crmnica. Plamenac fled Montenegro and sought refuge with the vizier, persuading him to erect an Ottoman fortification on the island of Grmožur to keep Njegoš's forces at bay. Njegoš countered by building a defensive tower overlooking Lake Scutari.[63]
While staying in Italy, Njegoš was disturbed by reports of Omar Pasha's plans to invade Montenegro.[nb 9] He planned another visit to Saint Petersburg to enlist Russian support, but the czar refused to meet him. Njegoš headed back to Montenegro in the summer, having consulted physicians in Vienna on his way back. While in Vienna, he encountered Serbian photographer Anastas Jovanović, who persuaded him to pose for a picture in his studio. Jovanović's calotype portrait is the only known photograph of Njegoš in existence. Jovanović also photographed a group of Perjanici that had accompanied Njegoš on his journey to Italy, as well as the chieftains Mirko Petrović and Petar Vukotić. Njegoš returned to Cetinje in August 1851, with his health rapidly deteriorating. He died there on 31 October[O.S. 19 October]1851, surrounded by his closest associates and just two weeks shy of his thirty-eighth birthday. Eyewitnesses reported his last words as "love Montenegro and render justice to the poor."[69]
Upon hearing about the 1918 unification of Montenegro with the Kingdom of Serbia, Nikola was gravely worried. Considering that Montenegro's sovereignty was unjustly extinguished, ever since 1924 he worked on the gathering of the post-World War I growing Montenegrin emigration's intelligence in North America. He went forth publishing brochures and holding lectures about facts about Montenegro, attempting to inform and unite the Montenegrin diaspora on the West Coast. In 1927 he formed a "Board for a Sovereign and Independent Montenegro" and met with a member of the House of Petrović-Njegoš with the same Montenegrin sovereigntist ideas, Milo Petrović-Njegoš. He became the Editor in Chief of the Board's political magazine, the "Montenegrin Mirror", which spread the word in English propagating the creation of an independent Montenegro from the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. He chose the name as an ironic protest to one of the major works of the Montenegrin writer Petar II Petrović-Njegoš, the "Serb Mirror" (Огледало српско). In 1929 Nikola expanded cooperation with Prince Milo Petrović-Njegoš forming with him, freedom fighters Krsto Zrnov Popović and Marko Zekov Popović, and former regent Evgenije Popović the "Montenegrin National Committee" in Geneva bent on uniting the whole Montenegrin emigration. The Committee published the brochure "The Greatest Crime in History" defining that there has been never a worse crime in the history of mankind from the total annexation of Montenegro by Serbia. Petanovic saw in Prince Milo Petrović-Njegoš a possible new monarch of a restored Montenegrin kingdom and dedicated to him a poem: "The Royal Heritage will be Restored; The Sun shall Smile upon Montenegro once again".
It was only then that Petar entertained the possibility of extending his throne to the teenaged Njegoš and took steps to further his education. The seventeen-year-old was again sent to the Cetinje Monastery and mentored at its seminary. Petar then introduced him to state matters, trusting him with the writing of official letters and orders on his behalf. He died of old age on 30 October[O.S. 19 October]1830, without having publicly named a successor. Prior to his death, the elderly vladika had dictated his will and testament to Njegoš's old mentor, Milutinović, where he named Njegoš as his successor and granted all of his ecclesiastical and secular powers to him.[19] The will also cursed anyone who trampled over Montenegro's traditional bonds with Russia in exchange for better relations with Austria, swearing that leprosy would strike them down.[20] Some Montenegrins hostile to the Petrović clan alleged that Milutinović had fabricated the document in order to make Njegoš vladika, pointing to their close friendship as proof. Several scholars have raised the possibility that the will was indeed a forgery, though most modern historians believe that it was genuine.[21]
When Petar II Petrović-Njegoš died, the Senate, under the influence of Đorđije Petrović (the wealthiest Montenegrin at the time), proclaimed Petar II's elder brother Pero Tomov Petrović as Prince (not bishop, or "Vladika"). Nevertheless, in a brief struggle for power, Pero, who commanded the support of the Senate, lost to the much younger Danilo who had much more support among people.
Education, in the strict sense of the word, she had very little. Except for a lower Gymnasium education, she was mostly self-taught, and yet she was greatly appreciated in her lifetime by poets and writers much more soundly academic than herself, such as Petar II Petrović Njegoš, Branko Radičević, Ivan Mažuranić, and Ljubomir Nenadović. When Njegoš first met her in Vienna, he said: "I'm a poet, she is a poetess. Were I not a bishop, Montenegro would now have a princess" (quoted from Milovan Djilas's "Njegoš: Poet, Prince, Bishop," published by Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, New York, 1966, p. 242).
On the substratum of folk epic poetry, poets like Petar II Petrović Njegoš, the Montenegrin icon, have created their own expression. Njegoš's epic book "Gorski Vijenac" ("The Mountain Wreath") presents the central point of Montenegrin culture.
The laying of a badnjak on the fire was considered the least a Serbian family could do to show their devotion to Serbian tradition. In Petar II Petrović-Njegoš's poem "The Mountain Wreath", the plot of which takes place in 18th-century Montenegro, Voivode Batrić urges converts to Islam to return to Christianity and Serbdom: "[...] Lay the Serbian Christmas-log [badnjak] on the fire, paint the Easter eggs various colours, observe with care the Lent and Christmas fasts. As for the rest, do what your heart desires!" Petrović-Njegoš describes the holiday atmosphere that surrounds the burning badnjak on Christmas Eve through the words of Abbot Stefan, one of the mains characters of "The Mountain Wreath":