Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant documents that answer the question.
Query: When did the two term presidency rule go into effect?
Prior to the ratification of the amendment, the president had not been subject to term limits, but George Washington had established a two-term tradition that many other presidents had followed. In the 1940 presidential election, Franklin D. Roosevelt became the first president to win a third term, giving rise to concerns about the potential issues involved with a president serving an unlimited number of terms. Congress approved the Twenty-second Amendment on March 24, 1947, and submitted it to the state legislatures for ratification. That process was completed on February 27, 1951, after the amendment had been ratified by the requisite 36 of the then-48 states (as neither Alaska nor Hawaii had yet been admitted as states), and its provisions came into force on that date.
In the Communist era, the president was elected for a term of five years by the Great National Assembly, with no term limits. He served as "ex officio" president of the State Council, and had the right to act on any matter that did not require a State Council plenum. He also appointed and dismissed ministers and heads of central agencies. When the GNA was not in session, the president could appoint and dismiss the president of the Supreme Court and the prosecutor general without State Council approval; indeed, he was not even required to consult his State Council colleagues when making such decisions. Ceaușescu created the office in order to make himself chief decision-maker in both name and fact. Previously, he had nominally been first among equals on the State Council, deriving his real power from his leadership of the Romanian Communist Party. In practice, he used his power to act on all matters that did not require a plenum to rule by decree and frequently usurped many powers that belonged to the State Council as a whole.
The 1993 constitution limited a presidency to two terms. Shortly after Fujimori began his second term, his supporters in Congress passed a law of "authentic interpretation" which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000. A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed. In late 1999, Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term. Peruvian electoral bodies, which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori, accepted his argument that the two-term restriction did not apply to him, as it was enacted while he was already in office.
The first national convention of the Democratic Party began in Baltimore on May 21, 1832. In that year the 2/3 rule was created, requiring a 2/3 vote to nominate a candidate, in order to show the party's unanimous support of Martin Van Buren for vice president. Although this rule was waived in the 1836 and 1840 conventions, in 1844 it was revived by opponents of former President Van Buren, who had the support of a majority, but not two-thirds, of the delegates, in order to prevent him from receiving the nomination. The rule then remained in place for almost the next hundred years, and often led to Democratic National Conventions which dragged on endlessly, most famously at the 1860 convention, when the convention adjourned in Charleston without making a choice and reconvening in separate groups a short time later, and the 1924 convention, when "Wets" and "Drys" deadlocked between preferred candidates Alfred E. Smith and William G. McAdoo for 103 ballots before finally agreeing on John W. Davis as a compromise candidate. At the 1912 convention, Champ Clark was the first person to receive a majority of the votes who did not go on to achieve a two-thirds vote and the nomination. The 2/3 rule was finally abolished in 1936, when the unanimity in favor of the renomination of President Franklin D. Roosevelt allowed it finally to be put to rest. In the years that followed only one convention (the 1952 Convention) actually went beyond a single ballot.
The length of a presidential term was ultimately codified by Article Nine of the Articles of Confederation, which authorized Congress "to appoint one of their number to preside; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years". When the Articles went into effect in March 1781, however, the Continental Congress did not hold an election for a new president under the new constitution. Instead, Samuel Huntington continued serving a term that had already exceeded the new Term limit. The first president to serve the specified one-year term was John Hanson (November 5, 1781 to November 4, 1782).
Bloxham pushed the election dispute to the Florida Supreme Court, filing for a writ of mandamus on January 10, 1871 to force a recount. While the Florida Attorney General disagreed that a recount could be ordered, the Supreme Court Chief Justice sided with Bloxham. Republican legislators countered by repealing the law which created the board of canvassers in the first place and the Supreme Court was unable to compel the board to recount when the board effectively ceased to exist. Bloxham applied to the supreme court for a writ of quo warranto on February 20, 1871 to challenge Day's victory, but the case did not begin until November 15. On June 1, 1872, the court finally ruled that Bloxham had won the 1870 election, by which time he had missed every state senate session in the term, meaning the term was effectively concluded. Although he took the oath of office on June 3, he couldn't perform the lieutenant governor's only duty, which was to preside over the Senate. Thus, he is not named in lists of Florida's lieutenant governors. Regardless, the ruling marked the first win for the Florida Democratic Party since the war.
The 1993 constitution limits a presidency to two terms. Shortly after Fujimori began his second term, his supporters in Congress passed a law of "authentic interpretation" which effectively allowed him to run for another term in 2000. A 1998 effort to repeal this law by referendum failed. In late 1999, Fujimori announced that he would run for a third term. Peruvian electoral bodies, which were politically sympathetic to Fujimori, accepted his argument that the two-term restriction did not apply to him, as it was enacted while he was already in office.
The Articles of Confederation stipulated that presidents of Congress serve one-year terms, and Hanson became the first to do so. Contrary to the claims of some of his later advocates, however, he was not the first president to serve under the Articles, nor the first to be elected under the Articles. When the Articles went into effect in March 1781, Congress did not bother to elect a new president; instead, Samuel Huntington continued serving a term that had already exceeded a year. On July 9, 1781, Samuel Johnston became the first man to be elected as president of Congress after the ratification of the Articles. He declined the office, however, perhaps to make himself available for North Carolina's gubernatorial election. After Johnston turned down the office, Thomas McKean was elected. McKean served just a few months, resigning in October 1781 after hearing news of the British surrender at Yorktown. Congress asked him to remain in office until November, when a new session of Congress was scheduled to begin. It was in that session that Hanson began to serve his one-year term. A highlight of Hanson's term was when George Washington presented Cornwallis's sword to Congress.
It was widely assumed during the year 1875 that incumbent President Ulysses S. Grant would run for a third term as president in spite of the poor economic conditions, the numerous political scandals that had developed since he assumed office in 1869, and a long-standing tradition set by the first president, George Washington, not to stay in office longer than two terms. Grant's inner circle advised him to go for a third term and he almost did, but the House, by a sweeping 233 to 18 vote, passed a resolution declaring that the two-term tradition was to prevent a dictatorship. Late in the year, the president withdrew from the running for 1876.
The Plan of Tacubaya, which did not recognize the Constitution of 1857, originally recognized Ignacio Comonfort as president of Mexico. Comonfort was recognized by conservatives until January 11 of 1858, and resigned on January 21. Félix María Zuloaga was recognized as the conservative president on January 11; he formally assumed office on January 23, but was ousted by the Christmas Plan on December 24 and replaced by Manuel Robles Pezuela. Pezuela Robles remained conservative president until January 21, 1859; on January 24, Zuloaga resumed office. Zuloaga held a second term until February 2, when he was replaced by Miguel Miramón. Miramón (a conservative) left the presidency in the hands of José Ignacio Pavón on August 13, 1860—a position he held only two days, since Miramón resumed the presidency on August 15. Miramón ruled until December 24, having a rotating presidency with Zuloaga. Zuloaga, assisted by several military conservatives, became president of a conservative faction that was divided by internal conflicts and his term ended August 13. Despite being defeated by the liberals, the conservatives continued to recognize Zuloaga as president. On December 28, 1862, his term ended; by ending with a conservative government, this would prepare the way for what became the Second Mexican Empire.
When the first president, George Washington, announced in his Farewell Address that he was not running for a third term, he established a "two-terms then out" precedent. Precedent became tradition after Thomas Jefferson publicly embraced the principle a decade later during his second term, as did his two immediate successors, James Madison and James Monroe.[102] In spite of the strong two-term tradition, Ulysses S. Grant sought a non-consecutive third term in 1880,[103] as did Theodore Roosevelt in 1912 (though it would have been only his second full term).[104] Both were unsuccessful.
Some feel that Coolidge was honoring the two-term tradition set by President Washington. While Coolidge held the opinion that a vice president who succeeded to part of another president's term would not violate the rule by then running twice for election in his own right, this tradition was continued through him and in 1952 and 1968, by Presidents Harry S. Truman and Lyndon B. Johnson when the latter chose not to seek another term after disappointing showings in the New Hampshire primary. Both had succeeded to the presidency after the death of their predecessors and had been elected only once. Theodore Roosevelt also did not run in 1908 after his succession to the presidency in 1901 and his election in 1904. However, he ran unsuccessfully in 1912, against his successor, William Howard Taft.
The Maine Legislature had one year terms until 1880, when an amendment to the Maine Constitution took effect to provide for two year terms. Joseph A. Locke was the first Senate President to serve a two-year term, starting in 1881.
In the absence of interference, there are two factors at play when recalling a list of items: the recency and the primacy effects. The recency effect occurs when the short-term memory is used to remember the most recent items, and the primacy effect occurs when the long-term memory has encoded the earlier items. The recency effect can be eliminated if there is a period of interference between the input and the output of information extending longer than the holding time of short-term memory (15–30 seconds). This occurs when a person is given subsequent information to recall preceding the recall of the initial information. The primacy effect, however, is not affected by the interference of recall. The elimination of the last few items from memory is due to the displacement of these items from short term memory, by the distracting task. As they have not been recited and rehearsed, they are not moved into long-term memory and are thus lost. A task as simple as counting backwards can change memory recall; however an empty delay interval has no effect. This is because the person can continue to rehearse the items in their working memory to be remembered without interference. Cohen (1989) found that there is better recall for an action in the presence of interference if that action is physically performed during the encoding phase. It has also been found that recalling some items can interfere and inhibit the recall of other items. Another stream of thought and evidence suggests that the effects of interference on recency and primacy are relative, determined by the ratio rule (retention interval to inter item presentation distractor rate) and they exhibit time-scale invariance.
Under the rules adopted by the same referendum, the president serves a maximum of two five-year terms. This did not have a retroactive effect on past terms of office already served or currently being served as of 2013.
The President and the Vice President were elected separately two years apart for a period of four years each, resulting in a president having two vice presidents given normal circumstances. The Colombian Constitution of 1832, just like its predecessor, did not provide for a way to fill a vacancy in the presidency or the vicepresidency until the next electoral period, because of this the presidency was vacant between 1854 and 1857 when Melo, who had deposed President Obando in a coup, handed power to the previous administration; Obando would have taken back the presidency, but he had been impeached by Congress and hence there was no President to take power. During this time Vice President José de Obaldía y Orejuela served as Acting President until the end of his term, at which point the newly elected Vice President Manuel María Mallarino Ibargüen served as Acting President for the remainder of the term Obando had been elected for until 1857 when Mariano Ospina Rodríguez was elected. The Vice Presidency was also vacant between 1837 and 1839, when Vice President José Ignacio de Márquez Barreto was elected president and the post remained vacant until the next vice presidencial election in 1839.This list includes those persons who were sworn into, succeeded to, or forcibly took office as President of the Granadine Confederation following the passing of the Colombian Constitution of 1858, which took effect on 22 May 1858.
When Longworth became Speaker in 1925, the Old Guard reestablished its dominance in the lower chamber. In this, the regular Republicans were aided by Snell's Rules Committee in restricting Democrats and insurgent Republicans from interfering with President Calvin Coolidge's program of spending cuts and tax reduction. To Democrats' complaints that Snell was too restrictive with the rules, the New Yorker responded that the opposition would undoubtedly do the same if and when they came back to power in the House—which they did. During these years Snell also played a role as a go-between for Congress and his college friend from Amherst, President Coolidge. This was not always a popular job, especially when differences arose between the president and Congress.
In May 2015, the Constitutional Court was called to rule on the legality for a candidate to stand for a third term as president of Burundi. The case occurred against the background of the widespread popular unrest against the government of Pierre Nkurunziza who had held the position since 2005. The court ruled that the Constitution of 2005 did not prohibit a third term, ruling that Nkurunziza's first mandate should not be counted because he had been selected by parliament. The judgment was deeply controversial and was accused of pro-government bias. The court's vice-president, Sylvere Nimpagaritse, fled into exile before the judgment was released, claiming that the government had applied pressure to the judges to decide in favour of three-term presidencies.
The report was also criticized for exaggerating what the legal definition of perjury is, accusing Clinton of committing perjury after only one witness claimed he did so and saying that Clinton lied when he said he did not have sexual relations with Lewinsky in terms described by Paula Jones' attorneys. Two of the three parts of the definition of "sexual relations" described by Jones' attorneys during her lawsuit had been ruled out by presiding Judge Susan Webber Wright as "too broad" and legally unacceptable.
In 2015, 10 years after the limit on the number of terms served by a president was increased from one to two, congress voted to decrease it back too one. The first vote took place during Uribe's first presidential term (involving the bribing of Congresswoman Yidis Medina), allowing him to be the first of Colombia's presidents in more than 100 years to run for re-election. His successor (and former defense minister), Juan Manuel Santos, was also able to run and be elected for a second term in 2014, However Santos (in his second term at the time) backed the change, to go into effect once he leaves office. Ex-president Uribe, now a Senator with the Democratic Center party, objected to the reinstatement of the limit, but was outvoted.
In spite of the strong two-term tradition, a few presidents prior to Franklin Roosevelt did attempt to secure a third term. Following Ulysses S. Grant's reelection victory in 1872, there were serious discussions within Republican political circles about the possibility of his running again in 1876. Interest in a third term for Grant evaporated however, in the light of negative public opinion and opposition from members of Congress, and Grant left the presidency in 1877, after two terms. Even so, as the 1880 election approached, he sought nomination for a (non-consecutive) third term at the 1880 Republican National Convention, but narrowly lost to James Garfield, who would go on to win the 1880 election.[7]
On the other hand, Article 5A deals with attempts to alter the President's power by amending the Constitution itself. When the provision is brought into force, the President will also be able to decline to assent to a bill seeking to amend the Constitution that has a direct or indirect effect of circumventing or curtailing his discretionary powers. In this case, the Cabinet may also advise the President to refer to the Tribunal the question of whether the bill indeed has this effect. If the Tribunal rules that the bill does not have this effect, the President is deemed to have assented to the bill on the day immediately following the day when the Tribunal pronounces its opinion in open court. On the other hand, if the Tribunal decides to the contrary and the Government wishes to push the amendment through in the face of the President's opposition to it, the Prime Minister may opt to submit the bill to the electorate. If the bill is supported at a national referendum by not less than two-thirds of the total number of votes cast, the President is deemed to have assented to the bill on the day immediately following the day when the results of the referendum have been published in the "Government Gazette".
When the MPRS turned its attention to the presidency, Suharto faced an obstacle in the form of MPRS Chairman General Abdul Haris Nasution. Nasution was of the opinion that Suharto should deliver an accountability speech before going on to run for president. This notion did not gain momentum and Nasution was forced to let the matter go. On 27 March 1968, Suharto was officially elected to a full five-year term; in the process officially becoming President of Indonesia. Nasution's advice, however, would only be materialized almost at the end of his first term, when he gave such an address on the 1971 General Session of the MPR.
His popularity as Indiana Governor, and the state's status as a critical swing state, helped him secure the Democratic vice presidential nomination on a ticket with Wilson in 1912 and win the subsequent general election. An ideological rift developed between the two men during their first term, leading Wilson to limit Marshall's influence in the administration, and his brand of humor caused Wilson to move Marshall's office away from the White House. During Marshall's second term he delivered morale-boosting speeches across the nation during World War I and became the first U.S. Vice President to hold cabinet meetings, which he did while Wilson was in Europe. As he was President of the United States Senate, a small number of anti-war Senators kept it deadlocked by refusing to end debate. To enable critical wartime legislation to be passed, Marshall had the body adopt its first procedural rule allowing filibusters to be ended by a two-thirds majority vote—a variation of this rule remains in effect.
Republicans, who had won all statewide elections in Vermont since the founding of the party (and would continue to do so until the late 1950s), debated whether Hendee should be a candidate for a full term in 1870. Their first issue was whether the nomination would go to someone from the west side of the Green Mountains, in keeping with the Mountain Rule that had existed since the founding of the party in the mid-1850s, or whether it should go to someone from the east side of the mountains, where Washburn had lived, on the grounds that he had died before his term was complete. Their second issue was that the Mountain Rule had limited Vermont Governors to two one-year terms in office, and 1870 would be the first election for a two-year term. The Republicans planned to revise their Mountain Rule to limit Governors to one two-year term. Should Hendee be nominated, which would mean that he would serve more than two years?