Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant documents that can help answer the question.
Query: What was the May Revolution about?
The May Revolution was a direct reaction to Spain's Peninsular War. In 1808, King Ferdinand VII of Spain abdicated in favor of Napoleon, who granted the throne to his brother, Joseph Bonaparte. A Supreme Central Junta led resistance to Joseph's government and the French occupation of Spain, but eventually suffered a series of reversals that resulted in the Spanish loss of the northern half of the country. On February1, 1810, French troops took Seville and gained control of most of Andalusia. The Supreme Junta retreated to Cadiz and dissolved itself, and the Council of Regency of Spain and the Indies replaced it. News of these events arrived in Buenos Aires on May18, brought by British ships.
In April and May 2008, Jesse Ventura, in several radio interviews for his new book, "Don't Start the Revolution Without Me", reiterated his concerns about what he described as some of the unanswered questions about 9/11. His remarks about the possibility that the World Trade Center was demolished with explosives were also repeated in newspaper and television stories following some of the interviews.
A nonviolent revolution is a revolution using mostly campaigns with civil resistance, including various forms of nonviolent protest, to bring about the departure of governments seen as entrenched and authoritarian. While many campaigns of civil resistance are intended for much more limited goals than revolution, generally a nonviolent revolution is characterized by simultaneous advocacy of democracy, human rights, and national independence in the country concerned. In some cases a campaign of civil resistance with a revolutionary purpose may be able to bring about the defeat of a dictatorial regime only if it obtains a degree of support from the armed forces, or at least their benevolent neutrality.
Skocpol asserts that social revolutions are rapid and basic transformations of a society's state and class structures. She distinguishes this from mere rebellions, which involve a revolt of subordinate classes but may not create structural change, and from political revolutions that may change state structures but not social structures. What is unique about social revolutions, she argues, is that basic changes in social structure and political structure occur in a mutually reinforcing fashion and these changes occur through intense sociopolitical conflict.
The title should be understood, according to the director Sergio Corbucci, as "What Am I Doing in the Middle of the Western Cinema?". It is the final chapter of the Corbucci's trilogy about the Mexican revolution, after "The Mercenary" and "Compañeros". The film mixes comedy and political apologue.
A number of presidents have issued responses to these events. One of them, Presbyterian College president John Griffith, compared this movement to a form of revolution: "I have lived long enough to come to the conclusion that major shifts occur every quarter century or so in the way American culture approaches matters of importance. We often call those shifts revolutions because people revolt against old and outmoded ways of doing things in favor of new approaches, new technologies and new ideas that better meet the needs of the time. We have experienced revolutions in information technology, travel and communication. There is one going on now that is symbolized by the introduction of iPhones this past week; we know what this one is about. But there is another revolution going on related to choosing a college -- and the role that public rankings play in that choice -- that may be less clear." 
Next, Malcolm X spoke about the what he called the "Black revolution" and the "Negro revolution". He said that Black people were using the word "revolution" loosely without realizing its full implications. He pointed out that the American, French, Russian, and Chinese Revolutions were all carried out by people concerned about the issue of land, and that all four revolutions involved bloodshed. He said that the Black revolutions taking place in Africa also involved land and bloodshed.
He also saw the Leninist Party as an appropriate form for the overthrow of Tsarism, but ultimately an inappropriate form for a proletarian revolution. As such, no matter what the actual intentions of the Bolsheviks, what they actually succeeded in bringing about was much more like the bourgeois revolutions of Europe than a proletarian revolution:
However, while there may be debate about the importance or extent of the historical change in David I's era, no historian doubts that it was taking place. The reason is what Barrow and Lynch both call the "Davidian Revolution". David's "revolution" is held to underpin the development of later medieval Scotland, whereby the changes he inaugurated grew into most of the central institutions of the later medieval kingdom.
Sanders thanked supporters after his stunning upset, "What tonight means is that the Bernie Sanders campaign, the people's revolution that we're talking about, the political revolution that we're talking about, is strong in every part of the country [...] And, frankly, we believe our strongest areas are yet to happen."
Scholarly debates about what does and does not constitute a revolution center on several issues. Early studies of revolutions primarily analyzed events in European history from a psychological perspective, but more modern examinations include global events and incorporate perspectives from several social sciences, including sociology and political science. Several generations of scholarly thought on revolutions have generated many competing theories and contributed much to the current understanding of this complex phenomenon.
Sankara came to power in what was then the Republic of Upper Volta through a military coup in 1983, and immediately set about to transform society through what he dubbed the "Democratic and Popular Revolution" (). The Popular Revolutionary Tribunals, formed in October 1983, were inspired by a number of historical predecessors, among them the Revolutionary Tribunal of the French Revolution and the "revtribunals" of the October Revolution, along with their equivalents during the Cuban Revolution, as well as more directly by the contemporary people's courts established by Jerry Rawlings in Ghana. Another important tool of the Burkinabé attempt at a social revolution was the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (). The TPRs were made up of magistrates, soldiers, and members of the Committees.
On the group's MySpace page, they described themselves as follows:
"High Octane Rock and Roll! Biography schmiography! Who cares about where they came from or what they did before or how many records they put out. Stats are not what music or this band is about. If you have an open mind and want something challenging in your life then this is where you want to stop and listen. Just take it in and make up your own mind. You want somebody to tell you what it is go to Kelly Clarkson's website instead. You tell us what we're about and then tell your friends whether you like it or not."
"Zero PM" was featured in the video game "Driv3r" and "Revolution Get Down" in a commercial for the Nissan Xterra. "Revolution Get Down" was also used as a fade-to-commercial song during the 2006 NCAA Tournament in the George Mason-Florida semifinal on CBS Sports.
Some scholars, including historian David McCullough—author of "1776"—believe that several famous quotations from the American Revolution came from, or were inspired by, "Cato". These include:Not long after the American Revolution, Edmund Burke quotes the play as well in his Letter to Charles-Jean-Francois Depont, expanded the following year into "Reflections on the Revolution in France": "The French may be yet to go through more transmigrations. They may pass, as one of our poets says, 'through many varieties of untried being,' before their state obtains its final form." The poet in reference is, of course, Addison and the passage Burke quoted is from Cato (V.i. II): "Through what variety of untried being,/Through what new scenes and changes must we pass!"
The book received positive reviews in "Salon", "Paste", "Newsweek" and "Harper's". However, in a review for "Politico", Bill Scher asked if "The Chapo Guide to Revolution" was the "stupidest book ever written about socialism". Scher wrote that the "Chapo Trap House" hosts "have no idea what they’re talking about, and their glib new book proves it."
Pilzer is currently researching what he calls The Sharing Revolution. "While the sharing economy is about using technology to halve the price of what you want to buy," says Pilzer, "the sharing revolution is about doubling the value of what you already own or are about to buy. Uber and Airbnb aren't just half the price of the services (taxis and hotels) they displace, to the consumer they are twice as valuable."
During the Enlightenment period, new theories about what the human was and is and about the definition of reality and the way it was perceived, along with the discovery of other societies in the Americas, and the changing needs of political societies (especially in the wake of the English Civil War, the American Revolution, the French Revolution), and the Haitian Revolution led to new questions and insights by such thinkers as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Montesquieu and Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
By the 1970 decade authors like Tulio Halperin Donghi or José Carlos Chiaramonte attempted to provide a less absolute perspective about the May Revolution, by making detailed analysis of the local and international contexts and the possible options that the revolutionaries had at their disposal, with the Revolution being one option among many others.
On 1 May, in Cojedes state, Maduro threatened taking action against supermarkets and food centers nationwide if they increased the prices of products in the following days, declaring that after the 20 May election "I'll be president anyway...by hook or by crook"". On 2 May, Maduro warned in a campaign rally in Vargas state that if a "capitalist government" that handed over the country's resources were to be installed, he would take up arms himself to defend the revolution, stating "I would take a rifle to start the armed revolution. These people will never stand for a sellout and capitalist government, that is why we have to prepare ourselves to defend in peace the sovereignty and democracy of Venezuela", On 18 May, Maduro stated "Venezuela has become the focus and the elections in a world election ... I will accept the results, whatever they are". He said that his opponent Henri Falcón was the International Monetary Fund's candidate. Maduro affirmed not to care about the position of the countries that declared that they will dismiss the presidential elections, saying "What fuck do I give that Europe does not recognize me, that Washington does not recognize me. I care about what the Venezuelan people say".
In 1794 a group of English nuns living in St. Monica's convent in Louvain, Belgium, was driven back to England by the French Revolution. They lived in Amesbury, Wiltshire, for five years but in 1800 they moved on to Spetisbury in Dorset. Here they created a boarding school for about 40 young ladies at what became known as St. Monica's Priory. In 1861 they found their final home in Abbotskerswell at the instigation of the Bishop of Plymouth, William Vaughan. Their experiences during the revolution may explain why Hansom was instructed to build two elaborate escape tunnels at the priory.
Commenting on the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, Burchill wrote in "The Independent": "It would be wonderful to think that what replaces Mubarak will be better. But here's the thing about Middle Eastern regimes: they're all vile. The ones that are 'friendly' are vile and the ones that hate us are vile. Revolutions in the region have a habit of going horribly wrong, and this may well have something to do with the fact that Islam and democracy appear to find it difficult to co-exist for long".
The revolution of African slaves brought many fears to colonies surrounding Haiti and the Caribbean. Prominent wealthy American slave owners, reading about the revolution, also read speculation about what might come in their own states. However, newspapers like the Colombian Centinel took the extra steps to support the revolution, in the sense that it was based on the foundations of the American Revolution.[144] The French media also played an important role in the Haitian Revolution, with contributions that made many French upstarts quite interested in the young, passionate Toussaint's writings of freedom.
The Voice of Asia (1951) is a work of non-fiction published by American author James A. Michener. The book chronicles his travels throughout Asia, detailing the cultures and lives of locals in areas such as Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, Pakistan, Burma, India, Thailand, etc.
"Today Asia is of utmost importance to Americans. What happens there may make or mar us as a nation. We need to know what makes Asia tick. I had the good luck to travel to many towns and villages in Asia and to talk with the people about what worried them. I met rickshaw boys and millionaires, peasant farmers and heads of state. They told me about the religious problems, the economic questions and the social revolutions that disturb them today. I talked of America and of Russia; and, like people everywhere, they told me some very funny stories about their politicians. In 'The Voice of Asia' I have tried to share with you what the people of Asia told me." --James A. Michener
During and shortly after the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, "Ammar" was busy putting graffiti on anything he could find. Other artists and activists were also writing on public spaces, so not only were they sending messages to the government, but they also were keeping up a dialogue among themselves and responding to other artists' graffiti work. His work on Mohamed Mahmoud Street was especially important because this street connects Tahrir Square and the Ministry of the Interior. The graffiti on this street served as a "newspaper" of what was happening during the revolution. When writing about his work, Abo Bakr noted, "What we did in Egypt in recent years was not about presenting art, at least it wasn't to me: We used walls as a newspaper... Me, I was a fine arts assistant professor. I left the faculty of arts to report on the revolution in the city’s walls."
The May Revolution was not the product of the actions of a single political party with a clear and defined agenda, but a convergence of sectors with varying interests.[203] Thus, there are a number of conflicting perspectives about it, because different authors highlight different aspects.[204] Mitre, for example, referred to The Representation of the Landowners (an 1809 economic report by Mariano Moreno) and the role of the merchants to support the view that the May Revolution intended to obtain free trade and economic integration with Europe;[205] right-wing revisionists center around Saavedra and the social customs of the time to describe the revolution under conservative principles;[205] and left-wing revisionists use the example of Moreno, Castelli and the rioters led by French and Beruti to describe it as a radical revolution.[205]