Instruct: Given a question, retrieve relevant documents that can help answer the question.
Query: Do the aborigines have reservations?
In July 2012, The Nature Conservancy, alongside IPA alongside the Central Land Council and government representatives from Australia’s National Reserve System, helped announce the launch of the Southern Tanami Indigenous Protected Area.This Indigenous Protected Area is Australia’s largest land reserve, spanning 10.15 million hectares.[6] It protects important pieces of the Northern Territory’s natural legacy. Included in the Southern Tanami reserve are much of Lake Mackay—Australia’s second-largest lake—and an enormous swath of the Tanami Desert. This IPA links a variety of habitats that includes deserts and savannas, giving plant and animal species the space they need to maneuver around threats like wildfires and climate change.[7]
Warangesda is highly significant to the Aboriginal communities of Narrandera, Darlington Point and Cowra whom have a demonstrated cultural affiliation with the place. Warangesda Mission has outstanding social significance as a heartland for some important Aboriginal family networks in south-eastern Australia, including the Bamblett, Howell, Atkinson, Kirby, Murray, Charles, Little and Perry families. It is highly significant to the thousands of Warangesda Aboriginal descendants. This place is important to the Aboriginal community for social, cultural and spiritual reasons. The Wiradjuri people of central and western NSW, which includes descendants of people who were born in Warangesda Station prior to forced removal, have consistently and persistently asserted their cultural affiliation to the place.
The site has outstanding social significance as a heartland for important Aboriginal family networks in south-eastern Australia, including the Bamblett, Howell, Atkinson, Kirby, Murray, Charles, Little and Perry families. It is highly significant to the thousands of Warangesda Aboriginal descendants. It is also significant to the local descendant community at Darlington Point, who have maintained strong links with the mission site to the present day. The site has high social significance for its role in the founding or growth of other Aboriginal communities. The diaspora from Warangesda founded communities at Narrandera (communities at the Sandhills and Hill 60); at Darlington Point (communities at the Reserve and then in the town). It also added to communities such as Wattle Hill in Leeton, Three Ways Reserve in Griffith and Erambie Reserve at Cowra.
The Brewarrina Aboriginal Mission was the oldest institutional-type community in the state that was still managed in 1965. Brewarrina Mission was the first institution formally established by the Aborigines Protection Board as part of its policy to segregate Aboriginal people. Over the years, the Brewarrina Mission was used to house other Aboriginal people from Tibooburra, Angledool, Goodooga and Culgoa to form the reserve which operated between 1886 - 1966 and was one of the longest running reserve stations in NSW. During the reserve period many Aboriginal people died and were buried in the reserve cemetery. The cemetery is no longer used by the community its integrity is held high within the values of the Aboriginal people. The entire site of Brewarrina Mission including its cemetery is a significant place to the many Aboriginal tribes including Ngemba and Murrawarri tribe as a "place of belonging". The place retains its high integrity in its cultural, spiritual, social and historical values to many Aboriginal people across NSW.
Its head office is located in Ottawa, Ontario. The congress works with its affiliate organizations on issues that affect the Aboriginal peoples of Canada who live off-reserve. Affiliates of the congress have their own constitutions, with some being separately funded through the Métis and Non-Status Indian Relations Directorate of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. The Métis and Non-Status Indian Relations Directorate works primarily with Aboriginal political organizations who represent the interests of Métis and non-status Indians (MNSI) and other off-reserve Aboriginal organizations.
The relationship between aboriginal title and reservations is unclear. Often, courts will not reach the question of aboriginal title, if the same land is found to comprise part of an Indian reservation. Some reservations were created in a process that extinguished aboriginal title. Although Congress has the power to grant tribes land in fee simple, some reservations may continue to be held in aboriginal title.
Arthur reported to the Colonial Office secretary in London that the Aboriginal people "already complained that the white people have taken possession of their country, encroached upon their hunting grounds, and destroyed their natural food, the kangaroo" and in a memo he proposed settling the Aboriginal people "in some remote quarter of the island, which should be reserved strictly for them, and to supply them with food and clothing, and afford them protection ... on condition of their confining themselves peaceably to certain limits". He said Tasmania's northeast coast was the preferred location for such a reserve and suggested they remain there "until their habits shall become more civilised". He pursued the proposal by issuing on 19 April 1828 a "Proclamation Separating the Aborigines from the White Inhabitants" that divided the island into two parts to regulate and restrict contact between blacks and whites. The northeast region was an area traditionally visited by many groups for its rich food reserves, and rivers, estuaries and sheltered bays as well as its mild climate. It was also largely unoccupied by colonists. But the proclamation partitioning the island also provided the first official sanction of the use of force to expel any Aboriginal people from the Settled Districts. Historian James Boyce observed: "Any Aborigine could now be legally killed for doing no more than crossing an unmarked border that the government did not even bother to define."
Declared an Aboriginal Reserve in 1931, it remains one of the largest Aboriginal Reserves in Australia and is perhaps best known for its isolation, the art of its people, and the strong continuing traditions of its indigenous inhabitants. Northeast Arnhem Land is home to the indigenous Yolngu people, one of the largest indigenous groups in Australia, and who have succeeded in maintaining a vigorous traditional indigenous culture. The Malays and Makassans are believed to have had contact with the coastal Aboriginal groups and traded with them prior to European settlement of Australia.
Knowledge of past use is limited. Scarred trees and open campsites are the only registered sites known in the area. Sites are likely to have been widespread throughout the reserves, but the ground has been disturbed by past land use such as logging. On lands adjoining Ingalba Nature Reserve, scattered stone artefacts have been found. The reserves lie within the area occupied by the Wiradjuri people. Today Pucawan and Ingalba Nature Reserves lie within the area of the Narrandera Local Aboriginal Land Council, while Big Bush Nature Reserve is within the area of the Young Local Aboriginal Land Council.
The Nyungah Aboriginal peoples have made attempts to reclaim their traditional land since 1919 when the Guildford Aboriginals were transhipped to the Moore River native settlement. Robert Bropho, an Aboriginal elder, and his extended family campaigned vigorously for the right to occupy the area which presently takes in Reserve 43131. The SVNAC was established in 1977 and under the "Aboriginal Heritage Act 1972" they were given control of the reserve.
The closure of Warangesda was part of a wave of reserve closures in the 1914 to 1926 period, which also closed the other large late 19th century reserves in NSW: Brewarrina, Burnt Bridge and Cummeragunja. These closures may have been linked to the partitioning of soldier settler blocks, for soldiers returning from the First World War. Board policy to reduce Aboriginal reserves may have played a part: A view that Aboriginal people were being assimilated into the general population and that "real" Aborigines were a dying race and would no longer require land may have influenced policy.
In 1966, Aboriginal land rights in New South Wales became a heated political issue. A Joint Parliamentary Inquiry into the Welfare of Aboriginals turned its attention to the reserve at La Perouse. Assimilation had been intended to gradually incorporate Aboriginal people into wider society, yet here they were living separate from, and in worse conditions than, the majority of white Australians. The Aborigines Protection Board and Randwick Council advocated closure of the reserve. The Inquiry, however, recognised the connections between Aboriginal people and the land and instead proposed a plan known as the "Endeavour Project." This would create a village where Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people would live together. The project never eventuated, however, because Aboriginal people on the reserve argued that they had the right to keep the reserve for Aboriginal people only.
Canadian aboriginal people living in rural areas are considered among the poorest populations. There are several factors in which contributes to poverty among aboriginals in Canada. Despite many beliefs, poverty risk factors continue to exist for aboriginals living on and off the reserves Although the Canadian aboriginal population living off of the reserves are at risk of poverty, individuals living on the reserves demonstrate a much greater risk. Lack of employment, poor paying jobs, alcohol abuse, poor access to health care and low education levels are all areas in which contribute to the increased risk of poverty.
The overall earnings of aboriginal Canadians living in rural areas in significantly lower than non-aboriginals living in more urban areas. Many Canadian aboriginals reside on reserves where their families grow and their communities develop. There is a massive job shortage among these reserves. With that being said, many attempt to seek employment outside of the reserves within the rural community. However, due to the remote and isolated geographical location of many aboriginal communities, jobs are scarce even off of the reserves. Within the Algonquin native reserves, approximately 90% of the residents are unemployed. For aboriginal’s who are employed and living in rural areas, they are paid much less than those living in more urban areas. Wages in rural Canada are typically much lower than those in urban areas, simply because the economical status of rural communities are often lower and small businesses cannot afford to pay large wages to their employees. Also, many of the rural jobs are seasonal or temporary for these individuals, meaning that they may be out of work for many months of the year. In addition, the cost of living is a major contributor to aboriginal poverty in rural Canada. The cost of food and daily living supplies are more expensive in rural areas than in urban cities. This is because the cost to transport these supplies to rural distributors is much more. Although some rural housing and land may come at a lower cost than urban areas, the maintenance and up-keep of the housing is a costly factor that contributes to poverty among aboriginals.
While the education rate among Aboriginals living in rural Canada is much lower than urban areas, there is vicious cycle that occurs when examining the correlations. Among aboriginal Canadians, on and off the reserve, 32% have not achieved their high school diploma, as opposed to 15% of non-aboriginal Canadians. On the other hand, approximately 8% of aboriginal men in Canada have a university degree, as opposed to 25% of non-aboriginal men. There are several reasons in which contribute to the gap in educational levels. For rural aboriginals in Canada, poverty can affect the availability as well as eliminate educational options. Some individuals find that they have to leave high school in attempt to find a job to help support their struggling families. Post secondary school is incredibly expensive, and for people living in poverty, college or university is not a realistic goal. Therefore, the vicious cycle takes place. People cannot find jobs because they do not have the educational background, but in yet their families cannot afford the cost of education.
In terms of gender and aboriginal poverty in Canada, there does tend to be a gap between aboriginal men and women when it comes to income and economical status. Among aboriginal individuals living in rural Canada, women are less likely to have employment and often have a much lower annual income. In many cases, aboriginal women are the primary caregivers for their children and the elderly in their families. Women who are able to seek employment often have difficulty due to the job shortages, as well as requirements for education and experience. This can cause a serious financial strain on the families, especially for single parent families trying to manage all of their expenses.
Criticisms of ALSWA have included suggestions that the service works to defend Aboriginal men against all manner of charges, while doing little to help Aboriginal women and children who are sometimes the victims of violence and abuse from their menfolk. Some within the Aboriginal communities also suggested that the ALSWA did not do enough to prevent arrests of Aboriginals; and some police organisations, conservative politicians and newspapers have also spoken out against the ALSWA. There have also been political divisions within the organisation itself. The ALSWA has worked to improve interpreting services for Aboriginal defendants, although such services are still "nowhere near as comprehensive as they need to be". Despite its origins when lawyers were mainly white, ALSWA now claims to employ "the highest number of Aboriginal lawyers of any legal service in Australia".
Both the cattlemen and the cedar-cutters were adventurous and were the first Europeans to traverse the unknown country - successfully doing so by following the traditional trails established by the Aboriginal people. From even this early period of settlement, European exploitation of the land and resources had begun. The easy abuse of land through clearing of vegetation and wildlife would have been an abhorrent disrespect to the Aboriginal people. The traditional lifestyle of the people had been sustained by this land and its immediate exploitation by the European settlers would no doubt have led to future conflicts.
The Aboriginal population in Canada (First Nations, Inuit and Métis) have a significantly higher prevalence rate of diabetes than the non-Aboriginal population. Age-standardized rates show that the prevalence of diabetes among First Nations individuals living on-reserve is 17.2%; First Nations individuals living off-reserve is 10.3%; Métis individuals 7.3%; and non-Aboriginal peoples at 5.0%. It is important to note that Aboriginal individuals are generally diagnosed at a younger age than non-Aboriginal individuals, and Aboriginal females experience higher rates of gestational diabetes than non-Aboriginal females. The complications and prevalence of diabetes are seen among the Aboriginal population more often than non-Aboriginal population. These may be attributed to the socio-cultural, biological, environmental and lifestyle changes seen in the First Nations, Inuit, and Métis populations, which have been most especially prevalent in the last half century, all of which contributing significantly to the increased rates of diabetes and the complications associated among the Aboriginal population.[147]
Instead, the reserve was redeveloped in 1972, and in 1973 it was handed to the NSW Aboriginal Lands Trust (following the abolition of the Aborigines Protection Board). Reserve residents filed a land claim to have ownership passed to them and in 1984 the newly established La Perouse Local Aboriginal Land Council was given the deeds to the reserve lands. The La Perouse Aboriginal community was the first Aboriginal community in Sydney to win freehold title to lands under the NSW Aboriginal Lands Right Act.
Under s. 718.2(e) the court is required to consider all reasonable alternatives to imprisonment for all offenders, with particular attention to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders. This section was initially interpreted narrowly as requiring particular attention only to on-reserve Aboriginal offenders. Application of this section was clarified in R. v. Gladue where the Supreme Court of Canada held that it applied to Aboriginal offenders generally, not only to those living on reserve. The court found as a matter of judicial notice that the Aboriginal peoples have a long-standing disadvantage in Canadian society and the effects are felt for generations.
Aboriginal reserves, together with missions and stations, were areas of land in New South Wales where many Aboriginal people were forced to live due to government laws and policies. The reserves were established by government authorities. The British government, which controlled the Australian colonies, had various policies of segregation and assimilation and also set aside portions of land for the sole use of Aboriginal people, a practice that continued after Federation in 1901. 47 of the 85 Aboriginal reserves created from 1885 to 1895 were initiated by Aboriginal families. 
The reserve also includes a local landmark (known locally as the "Aboriginal Cave") at Latitude -33.758010 Longitude 151.011660 which is a rock shelter that was apparently described in times of early European occupation as being a cave used by the Bidjigal people. Several other aboriginal rock shelters also lie within Bidjigal Reserve, including one with a midden dated to 10150 bp, which is the earliest human habitation site known in the Sydney area (although older sites are known in the Blue Mountains). There are also reliable reports of other works of Australian aboriginal art, including hand stencils and rock engravings, but none have been identified in recent years, and they may have been damaged or destroyed.
The closure of Warangesda was part of a wave of reserve closures in the 1914 to 1926 period, which also closed the other large late 19th century reserves in NSW: Brewarrina, Burnt Bridge and Cummeragunja. These closures may have been linked to the partitioning of soldier settler blocks, for soldiers returning from the First World War. Board policy to reduce Aboriginal reserves may have played a part: A view that Aboriginal people were being assimilated into the general population and that "real" Aborigines were a dying race and would no longer require land may have influenced policy.
The nature reserve consists of a large valley floor, the Tidbinbilla Mountain and the Gibraltar range. The sides of the valley are steep and relatively undisturbed. The lower slopes of the valley are partly cleared and have a significant history of Aboriginal and European use. Tidbinbilla Mountain is believed to have been used for Aboriginal initiation ceremonies. The word 'Tidbinbilla' is Aboriginal in origin and comes from the word "Jedbinbilla" – a place where boys become men.
Taroom Aboriginal Settlement is a heritage-listed Aboriginal reserve at Bundulla, Taroom, Shire of Banana, Queensland, Australia. It was added to the Queensland Heritage Register on 13 May 2011. It is also known as Taroom Aboriginal Reserve and Taroom Aboriginal Mission.
On 12 February 1999 a 15-year-old Aboriginal woman named Susan Taylor committed suicide in the reserve and on 22–30 October 2001 a coronial inquiry was held. The inquest investigated the circumstances in which Taylor and other Aboriginal young people lived. It accepted evidence that rape and sexual abuse of Aboriginal minors was widespread in Western Australia; that sexually transmitted diseases were higher than with non-Aboriginal children; that Aboriginal mortality rates are many times higher than that of the non-Aboriginal community and that drug taking with Aboriginal people was a major problem. The Coroner also heard evidence "regarding alleged sexual abuse taking place in locations near the Reserve by Caucasian males providing paint or glue to young people for sexual favours. Allegations were also made against Bropho of sexual misconduct, involving Taylor and her mother Lena Spratt. An allegation of indecent assault made by Taylor against Bropho's son, Richard Bropho, was not pursued due to her death and a lack of corroborating evidence. Robert and Richard Bropho have strenuously denied these allegations." (2.28, page 57, "Select Committee") The coroner found that government departments should not be restricted from Aboriginal reserves due to the alleged situation of abuse in Aboriginal communities. Allegations were also made that Robert Bropho had stopped the Aboriginal Medical Service from visiting the reserve due to the death of an infant, and in 1996 had also stopped the Department of Family and Children’s Services after a child had disclosed inappropriate touching by older boys.
Happy Valley was the largest of the camps, with a stable population of over 300. It was located opposite the Aboriginal mission, next to Anzac Parade, in a gully behind Congwong Beach. Frog Hollow was an Aboriginal camp, also near the reserve. Many who set up camp at Frog Hollow were relatives of Aboriginal people living on the reserve. The communities of these two camps enjoyed a good relationship and much interaction with the Aboriginal people on the reserve. Aboriginal-European relationships resulted in many marriages and children. Non-Aboriginal partners, however, were not allowed to live on the reserve.
The site of the Taroom Aboriginal Settlement (former) is important in demonstrating the pattern of Queensland's history, as a place associated with the organisation of Queensland Aboriginal reserves established under the Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897. This legislation enabled direct government control over the lives of Aboriginal people in Queensland, who could be removed by the government to designated reserves and kept within gazetted reserve boundaries. Established in 1911, the Taroom Aboriginal Settlement (former) is significant as an early Aboriginal reserve established and run from the outset by the Queensland government as an Aboriginal Settlement, always an uncommon aspect of the state's cultural heritage; providing a model for other Aboriginal settlements in Queensland and elsewhere in Australia.